Given the Israeli attacks across Iran unfolding on June 13, 2025, and as military escalation continues, Human Rights Activists in Iran (HRA) calls on all parties to uphold binding obligations under international humanitarian law (IHL). The intensification of hostilities, including cross-border missile and drone attacks, places Iranian civilians at grave and immediate risk.

International humanitarian law requires that all feasible precautions to protect civilians and objects are taken. This includes, at a minimum, compliance with the core principles of distinction, proportionality, and precaution.
All Parties Must Take Measures to Protect Civilians, Including:

Clearly identifying military targets and ensuring that attacks are not directed at civilians or civilian objects.
Issuing effective warnings to civilians in areas at risk, allowing time and opportunity for evacuation or shelter.
Avoiding attacks in densely populated areas, particularly where civilian harm is foreseeable.
Ensuring the protection of civilian infrastructure.

The recent incidents involving Israeli attacks on Iran underscore the urgency of the following questions:
Were military targets clearly identified and necessary?

Were civilians given adequate warning or evacuation options?
Was civilian infrastructure damaged or destroyed?

The answers to these questions are essential in assessing compliance with IHL.

Even when military objectives exist, the anticipated military advantage must be weighed against the expected harm to civilians. Any failure to take adequate precautions or to limit civilian harm may amount to a serious breach of international law.

HRA emphasizes that respect for IHL is not optional; it is a legal and moral obligation. As Israel has indicated forthcoming attacks, it must refrain from indiscriminate or disproportionate attacks and take active steps to shield civilians from the effects of hostilities. Any alternative action is a serious violation of international humanitarian law.

The protection of civilian life must remain a central concern. As the situation unfolds, HRA will continue to document incidents, assess patterns of harm, and advocate for accountability under international legal standards.

In the international human rights community, we often respond most urgently when executions involve political prisoners, protesters, or vulnerable groups such as juveniles. These cases, with their clear violations of fundamental freedoms and international protections, rightfully draw outrage and attention. But in Iran, the death penalty reaches beyond these categories, and, as a community, our framing must evolve to reflect this truth.

The prevailing narrative around executions in Iran too often excludes individuals convicted of crimes like murder or drug related offenses, despite facing the same systemic denial of fair trial rights. This omission is not merely a gap; it’s a failure of advocacy. The exclusion of these individuals, those whose names we rarely know, whose trials attract no headlines, reflects a broader problem in how we understand and respond to state violence. In fact, in a system where due process is systematically denied, all executions are arbitrary, and all victims deserve our outrage and attention.

A System That Cannot Administer Justice

Iran’s judicial system is characterized not by justice, but by opacity, coercion, and impunity. Trials are sometimes conducted in absentia, and defendants are routinely denied access to legal counsel. Although Iranian law requires that individuals facing the death penalty have legal representation, most are unable to access a lawyer of their choice due to poverty, lack of available counsel, or limited family support. In murder cases, the state further evades responsibility by deferring the decision to carry out an execution to the victim’s family, invoking the principle of Qisas or “blood for blood.” This practice, while not unique to Iran, enables the government to deflect accountability and places the burden of life-and-death decisions on grieving families, often under intense social and financial pressure. Despite its prevalence, serious concerns around due process remain.

In addition, confessions are often extracted under physical and or psychological torture. Evidence is concealed or even fabricated. These practices are not exceptions; they are features.

In conversation with HRA about her son, one mother stated: “The so-called confession was taken under torture. He told us after the first interrogation, he couldn’t even remember what he said. They made him sign papers he didn’t understand. No real lawyer, no right to speak, no chance to defend himself.”

In such a context, the notion that any individual, regardless of the charge, has received a fair trial is untenable. When the judiciary lacks independence and impartiality, no death sentence can be deemed legitimate. The crime alleged is irrelevant when the process used to establish guilt is wholly unreliable.

Yet, the international community continues to apply a double standard, rallying forcefully for those with political affiliations, while, perhaps even unintentionally, overlooking those accused of murder or other criminal offenses. By drawing these distinctions, we risk sending the message that some lives are more worth defending than others. As a result, a significant number of cases are excluded from the broader narrative.

through May 31^st, 2025

There are several potential reasons for this, including the fact that some Western countries, such as the United States, continue to impose the death penalty for what they deem as meeting the ‘most serious crime’ threshold. Still, the central issue remains the same: the absence of fair trial guarantees. This is a clear and accessible entry point for Western governments seeking to engage on the matter. It is important to note that the vast majority of Western governments have either abolished the death penalty or issued formal moratoriums on its use.

The Myth of the “Wave”: A Systemic, Not Episodic, Crisis

The headline phrase “wave of executions” is used repeatedly in media coverage and advocacy reports. It evokes a sudden, alarming increase, a break from the norm. But in Iran, executions are the norm.

In 2024 alone, HRA documented over 925 executions across Iran, spanning various provinces and demographics. In May 2025 alone, 157 executions were recorded. Political prisoners represent only a small fraction of those executed, the broader landscape remains alarming; nearly 7,500 individuals are currently on death row in Iran, 50 of them being political prisoners. That is less than 1%.

The data gathered by HRA from specific prisons underscores this disproportion. From May 2024 to May 2025, Ghezel Hesar Prison (Karaj), Adel Abad Prison (Shiraz), and Dastgerd Prison (Isfahan) recorded the highest execution rates. In Karaj, where the prison population is estimated at 12,000, 173 people were executed. Of that population, the number of political prisoners housed fluctuates between 25 and 30. In Isfahan, 76 individuals were executed over the year; the prison holds 5 to 10 political prisoners at any given time.

The data is clear. Execution is not a tool reserved for political dissidents it is a mechanism of repression used across all regions and categories of offense. Many are individuals the international community never hears about convicted of offenses such as robbery, murder, or sexual assault, often following deeply flawed trials.

In a conversation with HRA, a mother of a young man executed expressed her pain at the lack of public recognition for his case: “It’s like screaming into a void. The world didn’t seem to care. His name didn’t trend. No one issued a statement. He just disappeared quietly, and we were left to grieve in silence.”

The mother continued: “When it’s someone from a poor neighborhood, someone accused of a crime in the chaos of poverty and addiction, they are erased. Their humanity is erased.” She went on to pose the question: “Isn’t every life worth fighting for?”

The “Most Serious Crimes” Standard: A Flawed Justification in Iran

International human rights law allows for the death penalty only in rare cases involving the “most serious crimes,” a term most often interpreted to include ‘intentional killing’. But this standard presupposes a functioning judicial system, one capable of discerning guilt through fair and impartial procedures.

In Iran, that assumption does not hold. The legal infrastructure fails at every stage: investigation, prosecution, defense, and adjudication. HRA advocates for a moratorium against the use of the death penalty across the board. However, the use of the death penalty for murder, while superficially aligned with international thresholds, becomes indefensible when the accused are denied even the most basic rights. It is not only the crime that defines the legitimacy of an execution; it is the credibility of the process. And in Iran, that credibility is absent. As one mother put it to HRA, “My son made mistakes, but he didn’t deserve death.”

Toward a More Honest and Inclusive Advocacy

As advocates, we have a responsibility to critically examine the language we use and the categories we prioritize. Every execution carried out under Iran’s deeply flawed judicial system constitutes a violation of international law. Every victim named or unnamed, political or non-political matters. That recognition begins with understanding that it is not the nature of the alleged crime, but the arbitrariness and injustice of the judicial process itself, that renders every death sentence fundamentally illegitimate. We must also move beyond the misleading narratives and acknowledge the systemic, entrenched use of the death penalty across Iran. While it remains important to highlight urgent cases, we must find balance, and do so without implying that some lives are more worthy of attention or advocacy than others.

This is not merely a question of accuracy in reporting, it is about affirming the principle that every life holds equal value, and that human rights protections apply to all, especially to those whose stories are so often left untold. It is about being the voice of the voiceless, for those like the young man who was executed, whose mother was left to fight in silence.

On this International Women’s Day (March 8, 2025), and every day, we want to recognize and center the stories, voices, and expertise of women and gender minorities/gender diverse persons who languish behind bars in racist, classist, and patriarchal legal systems around the world. Fighting for women’s rights includes protecting the rights of the accused, criminalized, and condemned because they are the survivors of intersectional discrimination in oppressive systems around the world.  In the current context of ongoing attacks on the rights of women and gender minorities, it is more important than ever to stand united in our fight. The death penalty, with its targeting of minorities and its arbitrary, inhumane, and discriminatory application has no place in any of our societies and we honor the organizers, advocates, and survivors who fight tirelessly around the world to abolish it.

Signing organizations:

1. Abolition Death Penalty in Iraq
2. Abdorrahman Boroumand Center for Human Rights in Iran
3. ACAT-France
4. Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
5. Cornell Center on the Death Penalty Worldwide (CCDPW)
6. Center for Prisoners’ Rights
7. Centre for Equality and Justice (CEJ)
8. Children Education Society (CHESO)
9. Capital Punishment Justice Project
10. Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI)
11. Harm Reduction International
12. HAYAT
13. Hope Behind Bars Africa (HBBA)
14. Humanity Diaspo
15. Human Rights Activists (in Iran) (HRA)
16. Human Rights Office of Kandy Diocese
17. Iran Human Rights (IHRNGO)
18. International Commission of Jurists – Kenya Section
19. Justice Project Pakistan
20. Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC)
21. Legal Awareness Watch Pakistan
22. Parliamentarians for Global Action (PGA)
23. Penal Reform International
24. Reprieve
25. The Sunny Center Foundation
26. The Advocates for Human Rights
27. The Inclusion Project (TIP)
28. Women and Harm Reduction International Network (WHRIN)
29. Women Beyond Walls
30. World Coalition Against the Death Penalty
    

HRANA News Agency – Today, Human Rights Activists in Iran unveiled its project titled The Pasdaran Documentation Project (PDP) through a public statement. This unprecedented project is based on data collection and analysis, as well as the development of software and dynamic charts. The aim of the project is to shed light on the structure of IRGC, which has influenced the political landscape of Iran and beyond, with its footprint visible in numerous human rights violations. The project’s website is now publicly accessible. The full text of this organization’s statement can be read below.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has long been a shadowy force, with its operations largely hidden from the international community. Its influence on Iran and the broader Middle East has been both profound and destructive. Now, after two years of intensive research, the Pasdaran Documentation Project (PDP) is launching an unparalleled resource that seeks to bring transparency to the IRGC’s activities. This project marks the culmination of extensive work involving thousands of documents and the identification of key IRGC units and personnel alongside a legal analysis of incidents attributed.

Available at www.iranpdp.org, this database provides unprecedented access to detailed information on the IRGC.

Origins and Purpose

Founded by Human Rights Activists (HRA), the Pasdaran Documentation Project was established to shed light on the structure, operations, and influence of the IRGC—a state within a state in Iran. The IRGC’s activities have not only shaped Iran’s political landscape but also contributed to widespread human rights abuses and violations of international law.

The project’s core objective is to identify the IRGC’s personnel, units, and key players as a step toward dismantling the regime’s power structure. By exposing the individuals and entities involved in abuses across decades, the project helps create a roadmap for judicial and quasi-judicial accountability, including international targeted sanctions, and state-led prosecution under international law.

The project’s underlying philosophy stems from the belief that public awareness—and open-source accessibility to underlying information—is the key to change. For decades, the IRGC has operated behind a veil of propaganda, with many Iranians and global observers unaware of its extensive illicit activity. This project intends to break this cycle by offering transparent, accessible, and meticulously researched information on the IRGC’s structure and activity.

Research Methods and Technological Innovation: NALA

In the project’s first phase, the structure and chain of command were created through an in-depth analysis of books derived from Iran, first-hand accounts, open-source data, and more. This comprehensive research would not have been possible without a pioneering technological solution developed by HRA.

HRA has designed an innovative software called NALA, a multilingual research facilitation tool specifically created to enhance data analysis and streamline content discovery. NALA processes data in multiple languages, identifies key themes using custom keyword lists, and retrieves relevant material with precision. Its advanced filtering system minimizes errors and saves time, making it an indispensable tool with sustainable applications that extend far beyond its original purpose. The integration of NALA into the PDP has enabled a level of depth, accuracy, and efficiency that would otherwise be unattainable.

The Importance of Identifying the IRGC

Understanding the IRGC is critical not only for those directly affected by its actions but also for the global human rights community. The IRGC was established in 1979 to protect and export Iran’s Islamic Revolution. Over time, it has morphed into a militarized and economic juggernaut with unparalleled influence over Iranian politics, military actions, and regional affairs. Its tentacles reach far beyond Iran’s borders, impacting conflicts in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen and extending its ideological and military support to Iran-backed groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas.

What makes the IRGC particularly dangerous is its multifaceted approach to control—using both brute force through its military wing, the Quds Force, and soft power through an intricate web of economic, political, and media influence. It has committed or facilitated endless human rights violations, including torture, unlawful detention, extrajudicial killings, and the repression of political dissent.

The Pasdaran Documentation Project’s Capabilities and Tools

At the heart of the Pasdaran Documentation Project is its public-facing website, a powerful tool that offers an in-depth look into the IRGC’s operations. This online database will be the first of its kind, providing easily accessible and verifiable data on the IRGC, including:

• ▪️Detailed Profiles of IRGC Units and Personnel: The PDP has compiled over 90,000 profiles on the IRGC’s units and personnel, ranging from high-ranking commanders to mid-level operatives. These profiles outline the responsibilities, activities, and, when available and thoroughly investigated by our legal team, crimes committed by each unit or individual. Researchers, journalists, policymakers, and legal experts can use this data to track the IRGC’s operations across various domains. At the website’s initial launch, many profiles remain partially complete and will be filled with detailed information over time.
• ▪️Dynamic Charts: One of the most unique features of the PDP website is its interactive tools, which visually represent the IRGC’s chain of command from 1979 to the present.
• ▪️Searchable Databases: The website offers a powerful search function, enabling users to filter data by region, type of activity, or individual names or units. This allows for targeted research into specific members or units of the IRGC.
• ▪️Human Rights Violations and Violations of International Law: The PDP has recorded a range of human rights violations attributed to the IRGC, including incidents of torture, unlawful detentions, forced confessions, and more. This section also covers the IRGC’s role in suppressing civil unrest, particularly during the 2009, 2017, 2019, and 2022-23 protests, during which numerous civilians were killed or arbitrarily detained. At the website’s initial launch, the PDP had documented at least 100 individual incidents, which are currently under review and available for public examination. Twelve of these incidents have been fully reviewed in accordance with human rights and international law.
• ▪️Partnerships and Collaborations: HRA has collaborated with international criminal lawyers and other civil society organizations ensuring the accuracy and reliability of the data. These partnerships also enable HRA to present strategic reports on legal accountability pathways, presenting potential avenues for bringing IRGC members to justice in several emblematic circumstances. These publications are forthcoming.

Why This Project Matters: Objectives and Broader Impacts

The Pasdaran Documentation Project is more than just an archive—it is a living resource designed to empower activists, policymakers, and legal experts. By providing open access to verifiable data, the PDP will serve as a cornerstone for human rights advocacy and lay the groundwork for initiating investigations into the IRGC and its members for future prosecutions.

More to Come

The Pasdaran Documentation Project is an invaluable resource for anyone seeking to understand or challenge the IRGC’s power. HRA encourages human rights activists, legal experts, and policymakers to explore the website, use its tools, and help shine a light on the IRGC’s activities. By working together, we can build a future where the IRGC’s influence is curbed, and justice is served.

For media inquiries, detailed reports, or additional information, please contact us at [email protected]. The PDP team is available for interviews, in-depth briefings on methodology and contents unveiled, and to assist in the preparation of news reports and background understanding regarding the IRGC.

This is just the beginning. The work of exposing the truth and ensuring justice continues as PDP is updated daily with new information.

As November marks Magnitsky Month, advocates worldwide are intensifying efforts to leverage targeted sanctions against individuals involved in serious human rights abuses. For Human Rights Activists in Iran (HRA), this month serves as a crucial reminder of the impact that coordinated, targeted sanctions can have on the accountability gap. HRA’s work—across multiple projects dedicated to documenting abuses in Iran—has played a significant role in securing over 70 designations of Iranian individuals and entities involved in these violations across five jurisdictions.

Through its news arm, the Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA), HRA sheds light on abuses otherwise hidden from the global view. Spreading Justice provides a comprehensive–open source– database of individuals complicit in human rights violations, making it a vital resource for policymakers and advocates seeking to connect systemic abuses to those directly responsible. Furthermore, HRA’s newest endeavor, the Pasdaran Documentation Project (PDP), has documented the extensive structure of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). To date, this project has confidentially mapped over 84,000 IRGC units and identified 3,400 personnel, strengthening calls for accountability within one of Iran’s most corrupt and violent organizations.

In a timely visit to London, HRA’s Deputy Director held discussions with key figures to advocate for expanding the impact of Magnitsky-style sanctions on Iranian officials. Among these figures was Sir William Browder, the driving force behind the Global Magnitsky Justice Campaign, whose work underscores the power of sanctions in deterring human rights abuses globally. Browder’s commitment to securing justice for victims of human rights abuses led to the passage of the original Magnitsky Act, named after Russian whistleblower Sergei Magnitsky, who was killed after exposing government corruption. Today, Browder’s influential advocacy continues to inspire nations to adopt Magnitsky-style laws targeting human rights violators, providing a blueprint for holding powerful individuals accountable, when domestic accountability is absent.

International momentum for these sanctions is growing. In a recent debate, UK lawmakers from all major parties expressed strong support for Magnitsky-style sanctions to address Iran’s ongoing human rights abuses. UK Sanctions Minister Stephen Doughty reiterated the government’s commitment to responding decisively to Iran’s violations of international law through targeted sanctions.

While in London, HRA engaged with members of the UK Foreign Affairs Select Committee, focusing on the need to prioritize accountability for human rights abuses and violations of international law in Iran.

Additionally, HRA, in collaboration with REDRESS, briefed the All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on Magnitsky Sanctions and Reparations, chaired by Rt Hon Sir Iain Duncan Smith. The briefing explored strategic and coordinated approaches to implementing Magnitsky-style sanctions targeting human rights violations in Iran.

The international focus on targeted sanctions, particularly during Magnitsky Month, signals a critical moment for accountability in Iran. HRA’s efforts underscore the urgency of coordinated international action and provide essential support for those seeking to hold Iranian officials accountable for their ongoing abuses.

For more, read “Magnitsky Sanctions are the Precision Tool for Iran’s Crisis of Impunity” published in Just Security and authored by HRA Deputy Director, Skylar Thompson and Natalia Kubesch, Legal Officer at REDRESS.

In a statement released today ahead of the World Day Against the Death Penalty, Human Rights Activists (HRA) and The Abdorrahman Boroumand Center for Human Rights in Iran (ABC) condemn the alarming surge in executions in Iran, which have reached their highest level in the last decade—at least 811 reported executions in the past year alone as reported by the organizations.

Iran has long maintained one of the highest execution rates in the world, and in recent years, the use of the death penalty has alarmingly intensified. In 2023, Iran accounted for 75% of all recorded executions globally.

From October 2023 to October 2024, at least 811 executions have been carried out, marking a sharp increase from the previous year and reaching levels not seen in nearly a decade. In August alone, at least 97 executions were reported, 45 of which were for drug-related offenses—charges that do not meet the threshold of “most serious crimes” under international law. This year also marks the highest number of women executed in the past decade, with 23 women being put to death.

Research consistently demonstrates that the death penalty lacks any measurable deterrent effect on crime rates. The widespread use of the death penalty in Iran is not only a grave violation of the right to life, enshrined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), but is also emblematic of the systemic failures and corruption within the judiciary. The death penalty in Iran is routinely imposed following trials that are marred by serious due process violations, including the use of coerced forced confessions extracted under torture as a primary source of conviction in the majority of cases alongside the regular denial of access to legal representation. The Iranian judiciary, far from being an independent arbiter of justice, has instead become an instrument of state repression, using the death penalty to silence dissent and instill fear among the population.

We call on the Iranian authorities to immediately establish a moratorium on the use of the death penalty, in line with repeated calls from the United Nations and civil society organizations, and to address the structural flaws within the judiciary that enable these grave violations.

The international community must hold Iran accountable, call for a moratorium, and support efforts to ensure that justice is not used as a tool of oppression, but as a means to protect and uphold the fundamental rights of all individuals.

WASHINGTON D.C. – Human Rights Activists (HRA) welcomes the coordinated actions taken by the United States and its allies to impose targeted sanctions on Iranian officials implicated in human rights violations. These sanctions also specifically target officials in Iranian prison systems who are responsible for human right abuses in prison, including the use of torture and sexual assaults against prisoners, the denial of medical care to political prisoners, the violent suppression of protesters protesting their conditions, and the kidnapping of regime critics abroad.

This decisive measure underscores a collective commitment to hold accountable those responsible for violations against the Iranian people.

Among those sanctioned are individuals with documented records of severe abuses. HRA emphasizes that our initiative, Spreading Justice, is a vital resource in this effort. Through comprehensive documentation and profiling of violators, Spreading Justice provides critical information that supports coordinated actions by the international community.

HRA urges continued vigilance and coordinated pressure, alongside consultations with civil society, to uphold human rights and accountability.

A number of the targeted individuals have been extensively reviewed by HRA’s Spreading Justice. For more information on the sanctioned individuals, please visit the following profiles:

• • Ali Abdi: General Office of Prisons Organization in Khorasan Razavi Province
  • Ahmad Reza Azadeh: Head of Sepidar Prison
  • Mostafa Bazvand: Commander of the IRGC and Basij Resistance Force in Mazandaran province’s Babolsar county
  • Alireza Babaei Farsani: Director-General of Isfahan Province Prisons
  • Hamid Khorramdel: Commander of the IRGC’s Fatah Corps of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad province
  • Gholamreza Roshan: Director General of Prisons in Khuzestan Province
  • Ali Jume Malek Shahkouie: Commander of the IRGC’s Golestan Corps of Golestan province

HRA continues to advocate for targeted human rights sanctions, including strategic coordinated efforts across jurisdictions, which are necessary to maximize the overall impact, reinforcing a united front against human rights violations.

This essential tool holds perpetrators accountable, deters potential violators, and upholds international human rights standards without harming innocent civilians.

Press Release: On 16 July 2024, Human Rights Activists (HRA) submitted a comprehensive report to the Universal Periodic Review on the Islamic Republic of Iran. The information contained within the report covers five key thematic areas. The submission contains information drawn from investigations, interviews,  and reports published by HRA. 

Human Rights Activists (HRA) Submit Comprehensive Report for Universal Periodic Review on the Islamic Republic of Iran

Human Rights Activists (HRA) have submitted a comprehensive report to the Universal Periodic Review on the Islamic Republic of Iran. The information contained within the report covers five key thematic areas.These reports are based on extensive investigations, interviews, and published materials by HRA. Each thematic area includes carefully prepared recommendations aimed at addressing the identified human rights issues. HRA urges the UPR Working Group to utilize the aforementioned submission in its Review Session with the Islamic Republic. In addition, HRA looks forward to engaging with the working group both in advance of and throughout the review period.

1. LGBTQ+ Rights Violations: This report details the human rights violations against the LGBTQ+ community in Iran, focusing on discriminatory laws, violations of privacy, and the rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and association. It also addresses issues of torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. HRA’s recommendations call for the repeal of discriminatory legislation and the protection of LGBTQ+ rights.

For More information Read Factsheet: Fact Sheet LGBTQ+ Rights Violations

2. Prohibition of Torture and Prison Conditions: Drawing from a prior HRA report, this document examines the dire conditions in Iranian prisons, highlighting medical neglect, torture, ill-treatment, overcrowding, and inhumane conditions. It includes statistics on medical neglect and deaths in custody, as well as several emblematic cases of prison abuse. 

For More information Read Factsheet: Fact Sheet Prohibition of Torture and Prison Conditions

3. Right to Life and the Death Penalty: Focused on Iran’s use of the death penalty, this report underscores the country’s status as one of the world’s leading executors. HRA provides statistics on total executions, including those of women and juveniles, and executions for political and drug-related offenses. The report emphasizes that many death sentences are the result of unfair trials, contravening international law.

For More information Read Factsheet: Fact Sheet Right to Life and the Death Penalty

4. Labor Rights Violations: This report documents numerous violations of labor rights in Iran, including wage theft, unsafe working conditions, suppression of labor unions, and arbitrary arrests of labor activists. It also highlights discrimination against women and minorities in the workplace.

For More information Read Factsheet: Fact Sheet Labor Rights Violations. 

5. The Right to Health with special attention to Sexual and Reproductive Rights of Women: This report documents the stringent laws and discriminatory practices that undermine women’s rights and health.  HRA provided statistics on clinic closure and an account of a medical professional who was indicted and lost their medical license. 

For More information Read Factsheet:Fact Sheet The Right to Health. 

Each report contains specific recommendations by HRA, aimed at addressing these critical human rights issues in the Islamic Republic of Iran. 

For more information please contact Skylar Thompson, ([email protected]) Deputy Director, HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVISTS (HRA)

Iran Prepares for a Presidential Election. Guardian Council Vets Six Candidates with Questionable Records

In the wake of Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi’s death last month, Iran is gearing up for a presidential election. 

Historical Lack of Free and Fair Elections in Iran Dating Back Decades

Iranian elections have a dark past, consistently marked by a lack of free, fair, and transparent processes. In 2009, the highly disputed re-election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad led to widespread allegations of vote-rigging and fraud, sparking the largest protests since the 1979 revolution. The Green Movement, as it came to be known, saw millions of Iranians take to the streets demanding democracy and more. The government responded with a violent crackdown, resulting in numerous arrests, injuries, and deaths–some of those arrested remain detained today. 

The 2021 election saw the lowest voter turnout in history, highlighting growing public disillusionment. Despite this, the ruling elite persist in claiming legitimacy, even as each election sees diminishing public participation. This lack of engagement underscores the deepening disconnect between the ruling elite and the general populace. 

Six Candidates Cleared for Upcoming Iranian Presidential Election 

As the upcoming election approaches, six candidates have been approved. The approval process for presidential candidates in Iran is overseen by the Guardian Council, a powerful body comprising six Islamic jurists appointed by the Supreme Leader and six jurists approved by the Parliament. This council rigorously vets each applicant, assessing their qualifications, political and religious beliefs, and backgrounds—not on true merit. As a result, numerous candidates are often disqualified, leaving only a select few approved to run in the election.

Iran has had a significant history in manipulating the elections. The 2009 presidential election in Iran was marred by significant controversy and accusations of fraud. After Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was announced as the winner with nearly 63% of the vote, widespread protests erupted, driven by opposition candidates who claimed vote manipulation. These protests, part of the Iranian Green Movement, persisted into 2010. The government’s violent suppression of these protests, resulting in deaths and arrests, further fueled beliefs of a rigged election. Prominent opposition figures such as Mir Hossein Mousavi, his wife Zahra Rahnavard, and Mehdi Karroubi, leaders of the 2009 Green Movement, have been under house arrest since February 2011. Despite international outcry their situation remains unchanged, with severe restrictions on their communication and movement. Mehdi Karroubi, vocal in his criticism of the Iranian government’s actions, including its handling of incidents like the downing of a Ukrainian passenger plane, has faced worsening health conditions under house arrest. His attempts to hold the Iranian leadership accountable have led to increased restrictions on his freedoms. The continued detention of these opposition figures without trial has been condemned internationally, with entities such as the UN calling for their immediate release.

In the 2021 presidential election, controversy arose even before voting began, with the Guardian Council disqualifying many popular candidates, seen as a move to ensure the victory of hardliner Ebrahim Raisi. This election saw the lowest turnout in the history of the Islamic Republic, at around 49%, with a significant portion of protest votes. International observers and human rights organizations dismissed the election as neither free nor fair, labeling it a “show election.” Voter turnout in Iran’s presidential elections has been on a declining trend over the past two decades, reflecting growing public disillusionment with the electoral process. Notably, turnout was around 85% in 2009, despite controversies, likely due to a highly polarized environment. It saw a slight decline to around 72% in 2013, remained stable at about 73% in 2017, and drastically fell to a record low of approximately 49% in 2021. This decline has been attributed to widespread skepticism about electoral integrity and the pre-selection of candidates by the Guardian Council. Statistics on voter turnout are usually provided by the Iranian government, which is often accused of reporting higher participation figures than the reality.

This rigorous and  vetting process lacking any transparency narrows the pool of candidates presented to voters, limiting genuine political competition and reducing the electorate’s ability to choose from a diverse range of political views. The skewed candidate selection process undermines the claim of a democratic nature to the elections, reinforcing the status quo of the ruling elite and perpetuating the brutal suppression of human rights across the country.

The upcoming election is a stark example of this process. The Guardian Council has officially announced the list of approved candidates. The final slate of candidates includes:

Masoud Pezeshkian: b.1954 (70), Mahabad. Former Minister of Health. He had previously ran for the presidency in 2013 but withdrew and in 2021 was disqualified by the Guardian Council for the election. Pezeshkian has a demonstrated history of involvement in restricting access to the highest attainable standard of health while additionally being implicated in unethical practices involving condoning the violation of women’s rights. 

Mostafa Pourmohammadi: b.1959 (65), Qom. Former Minister of Interior and Justice, and Revolutionary Prosecutor notorious for his involvement in the mass executions of the 1980s. He was a member of the “Death Squad” in 1988, notorious for the mass executions of political prisoners that summer.  Since 2021, he has been the President of the Center for IslamicRevolution Documents. More details

Saeed Jalili: b. 1965(59), Mashhad. Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council (2007-2013). Member of the Strategic Council on Foreign Relations, has a history of systematic repression of political activists and notable complicity in the brutal crackdowns on peaceful protests. Notably, Saeed Jalili was the Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council when the house arrest decision of the aforementioned Green Movement leaders was carried out in 2010.  More details

Alireza Zakani: b. 1965 (59), Rey. The current mayor of Tehran and former head of the Basij Student Organization, he was involved in the events of July 9, 1999, and the attack on Tehran University dormitory. Alireza Zakani has a long history of persecuting minorities and political opponents. He was previously disqualified from the 2013 and 2017 presidential elections. During Zakani’s tenure, a group called the HijabBans was established to oversee women’s dress codes in Tehran’s metro. Zakani has been sanctioned by the UK for his involvement in serious human rights violations.. More details

Seyed Amir-Hossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi: b. 1971 (53), ​​Fariman, Khorasan Razavi Province. Former Deputy Speaker of Parliament (2020-2021) Current Vice President of Iran and head of the Foundation of Martyrs and Veterans Affairs and Member of the Islamic Revolution Stability Front since 2019. Hashemi has been a staunch supporter of the so-called Hijab bill as well as the ‘Protection of Users’ Rights and Basic Applications in Cyberspace’ which seeks to restrict free access to the internet among other things.  More details

Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf: b. 1961 (63), Torghabeh, Khorasan Razavi Province.  Former Commander Of the IRGC Air Force (1997-2000). Speaker of the Iranian Parliament, has long maintained leading involvement in the illegal crackdown on peaceful protestors including their arbitrary detentions and torture. Ghalibaf himself has spoken publicly about his involvement in and support in such actions. In addition, Ghalibaf is a staunch supporter of the so-called Hijab bill. More details

The elections, rather than serving as a tool for the people to express their will, act as a mechanism for the ruling authorities to present outward legitimacy. This can be seen notably in the candidacy of individuals who played leading roles in the arrest of protestors in 2010 following disputed elections. 

It is noteworthy that several other prominent figures applied but were not approved by the Guardian Council to run in the upcoming election. This list includes:

Eshaq Jahangiri: Former First Vice President
Mehrdad Bazrpash: Current Minister of Roads and Urban Development
Sowlat Mortazavi: Current Minister of Cooperatives, Labour and Social Welfare
Mahmoud Ahmadi Bighash: Former IRGC commander
Mostafa Kavakebian: Former representative of Tehran in the Parliament. More details
Sayyid Shamseddin Hosseini: Former Minister of Economic Affairs and Finance
Abdolnaser Hemmati: Former Governor of the Central Bank
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad: Former President
Mohammad Mehdi Esmaeili: Current Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance. More details
Vahid Haghanian: Former Executive Deputy of the Office of the Supreme Leader
Ali Larijani: Former Speaker of the Parliament. More details
Elias Naderan: Former MP
Hasan Sobhani: Former MP
Hasan Kamran: Former MP
Ahmad Akbari: Former MP
Ghasem Jasemi: Former MP
Hamideh Zarabadi: Former MP
Mohammad Nazemi Ardakani: Former Minister 

The current configuration severely limits any potential for significant political change from within the system, effectively making the elections a mere formality. The process ensures competing interests do not become a true threat to the ruling elite. Moreover, the Guardian Council’s role extends to overseeing the presidential elections themselves, further ensuring that the elected president will align with the broader interests of the ruling elite, thereby maintaining the status quo.

This system reveals a façade of democracy, where the true power dynamics operate on a level that is far removed from the democratic ideals professed to the public. The system not only undermines the democratic essence of elections but also perpetuates a cycle of power that is self-serving for those at the helm.

Incarcerated Individuals tell HRA: “Abuse of power is rampant. We are left at their mercy”

Iran’s prisons are harrowing places where abuse and neglect are rampant. The following report is based on testimonies from former and current incarcerated individuals in Iran. Conversations between individuals and HRA reveal severe and systemic issues that fly in the face of Iran’s international human rights obligations as well as universally agreed upon minimum standards for the treatment of prisoners. 

In Iran, the management, administration and regulations of the prisons falls under the jurisdiction of the Prisons Organisation which operates directly under the supervision of the Head of the Judiciary. The Head of the Judiciary appoints the head of the Prisons Organization who is responsible for the implementation of corrective measures, rehabilitation programs, and ensuring the rights and welfare of prisoners. This investigation was prompted by a notable void in reporting on prison conditions, which is likely attributed to the restricted nature of such reporting and the considerable challenge faced by third-party monitors in accessing penal facilities directly. The administration of prisons is tightly integrated with the judicial system’s broader goals and policies, and they have notably been known for their lack of transparency.

Conditions described by current and formerly incarcerated individuals in Iranian prisons such as Evin, Rajaei Shahr, Vakil Abad, Ghezel Hesar, Qarchak, and Adel Abad reveal significant breaches of international human rights law. In addition to clear violations of international human rights law, the testimonies detail blatant disregard for upholding the Mandela Rules.The Nelson Mandela Rules, while not legally binding, are considered “soft law” and represent essential principles

In 2015 The UN General Assembly adopted the Mandela Rules as the universally agreed minimum standards for the treatment of prisoners and several UN Member States have since incorporated the provisions of the rules into their domestic legal frameworks. Iran’s lack of overall adherence to these principles can be seen as a failure to uphold the universally agreed upon minimum standards. 

The Mandela Rules on the Standard Minimum Treatment of Prisoners 

Testimonies collected by HRA indicate grossly inadequate healthcare within prisons, with limited access to medical professionals and neglect of serious health conditions. This situation is a clear violation of the right to health as stipulated in the Mandela Rules.

Accommodation and Hygiene: 

“Adel Abad was a place of relentless suffering. The rooms were semi-dark and poorly ventilated, making it hard to breathe. Temperature extremes were common, with freezing winters and scorching summers.”

Mandela Rule 12 requires that prison accommodations provide adequate living space, ventilation, and lighting. 

Mandela Rule 13 stipulates the need for sanitary facilities that are hygienic and accessible. 

Mandela Rule 15 emphasizes the provision of adequate clothing and bedding.

The detailed testimonies collected by HRA highlight the violation of basic accommodation standards. Poor ventilation, inadequate lighting, and extreme temperatures directly contravene the Mandela Rules, creating inhumane living conditions that fail to respect the dignity of prisoners.

While engaging with HRA, Zahra, a political prisoner who spent 5 years in Evin Prison said “The cells were dimly lit and poorly ventilated, making the air thick and oppressive. Summers were unbearable, and winters were freezing.” Another individual detailed a similar situation describing “semi-dark and poorly ventilated [rooms], making it hard to breathe.” They continued, “Temperature extremes were common, with freezing winters and scorching summers.”

Food and Water

“Since the merger of the prisoner populations from Rajaei Shahr and Ghezel Hesar (Qezalhasar), the dynamics here have drastically changed. The overcrowding has worsened, and food shortages have become more severe.” 

Mandela Rule 22 ensures prisoners receive nutritious and sufficient food and drinking water.

Throughout HRA’s conversations, incarcerated individuals  consistently report inadequate and poor-quality food, with those unable to afford additional supplies from prison stores suffering from malnutrition. This testimony reveals stark violations of the Mandela Rules’ requirement for nutritious and sufficient food.

Ali, a 28 year old male incarcerated at Rajaei Shahr Prison four years told HRA, “The food was inedible, and many relied on the expensive prison store to supplement their diet.” Another individual currently incarcerated at Ghezel Hesar Prison said “The food is insufficient and often spoiled, forcing those with money to buy from the expensive prison store.”

The dire situation in these prisons, as described by the incarcerated individuals, underscores a critical failure to meet the basic nutritional needs mandated by Mandela Rule 22. The overcrowding exacerbated by the merger of incarcerated individuals populations from Rajaei Shahr and Ghezel Hesar has only intensified food shortages, leaving many inmates malnourished and dependent on expensive prison stores for survival. This blatant disregard for providing adequate and nutritious food highlights a profound violation of human rights within Iran’s prison system.

Healthcare

“The denial of these essential services is a clear reflection of the system’s failures.”

Mandela Rule 24 mandates that prisoners have access to the same standard of healthcare available in the community, without discrimination.

Testimonies indicate grossly inadequate healthcare, with limited access to medical professionals and neglect of serious health conditions. This situation is a clear violation of the right to health as stipulated in the Mandela Rules.

In Evin Prison one individual described that “Healthcare was minimal, with only an inexperienced nurse available and a doctor visiting infrequently.” Another serving time at Vakil Abad Prison from 2019-2023 disclosed to HRA  “Medical services were grossly inadequate, with many serious conditions ignored.” Another individual informed HRA that the existence of medical care “was a farce”. 

The denial of essential healthcare services within Iranian prisons is a damning indictment of the system’s failures to uphold basic human rights. Mandela Rule 24 unequivocally mandates that prisoners have access to healthcare equivalent to that

available in the wider community, without discrimination. These testimonies reveal a systemic failure to provide the necessary medical care, further underscoring the urgent need for reform within Iran’s prison system.

International Human Rights Law 

International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR): The Right to Humane Treatment

Article 10 of the ICCPR states that all persons deprived of their liberty shall be treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of the human person.

Indeed the degrading treatment described in great detail in conversation with almost all individuals including the pervasive violence reported violates Article 10 of the ICCPR, which emphasizes the humane treatment of all prisoners.

Nasrin, who is serving time since 2021 in Qarchak (Shahre-Rey) Prison, recounted to HRA “The humiliating behavior of some guards, who conduct nude body searches and degrade us in front of others, only adds to the misery.” Mehdi, a 40 year old male serving time at Ghezel Hesar Prison, in dialogue with HRA informed that : “The prison is a hotspot for violence, with easy access to weapons like large handmade knives that many of us carry for protection.”

Individuals described brutal violence. One stated that “Physical abuse by guards was common, and there were frequent hunger strikes in protest.” Another, age 60, incarcerated since 2006, stated “Some guards exploit these conditions, demanding bribes for basic necessities or the promise of safety.”

Physical abuse by guards and the exploitation of prisoners for bribes constitute inhuman and degrading treatment, falling under the purview of torture. The reports of frequent abuse and the calculated neglect by authorities indicate systemic issues within the prison system.

Conclusion

The systemic issues within Iranian prisons highlight a severe failure to adhere to international human rights obligations and principles. The harrowing testimonies from both current and former incarcerated individuals expose a grim reality of widespread abuse and severe neglect. Healthcare in these prisons is grossly inadequate, with limited access to medical professionals and widespread neglect of serious health conditions. Combined with appalling hygiene standards, subpar food and water provisions, and violence and degrading treatment by guards, it is evident that Iranian prisons fall alarmingly short of international standards and principles.

Iran must urgently address these violations to align itself with international standards and obligations, ensuring the humane treatment and dignity of all incarcerated individuals. 

HRA urges the international community, including international human rights organizations, governments, and the United Nations, to take immediate action regarding the stark realities revealed by these testimonies. It is imperative that in all dialogue concerted efforts be made to pressure Iran to adhere to international human rights standards, ensure the humane treatment of incarcerated individuals, and allow independent monitoring of prison conditions. 

*For a more in depth look at the unlawful conditions of Prisons mentioned in this article, please visit www.spreadingjustice.org and search the name of the Prison in the top right hand search bar.

*For a brief overview see below related Individuals involved in rights violations associated with unlawful prison conditions subdivided by Prison and General Associations: 

Shiraz Central Prison (AKA Adel Abad Prison): 

1. ISHAGH EBRAHIMI: Director-General of Fars Province Prisons Since Sep 2019
2. RUHOLLAH REZAEI DANA: the director of Shiraz Central Prison Since June 2020
3. ALI MOZAFFARI: Chief Justice of Qom Province Since August 2019 

Evin Prison:

1. ALI ASHRAF RASHIDI-AGHDAM: Deputy of Health and Correction and Education of Tehran Prisons General Administration Since August 2015
2. GHOLAMREZA ZIAEI: Head of Evin Prison From July 2019 to June 2020
3.  ALI CHAHARMAHALI: Head of Evin Prison from August 2016 to July 2019
4. HAMID MOHAMMADI: Director of Evin prison from June 2020 to September 2021
5. HASSAN GHOBADI:  Head of Evin Prison Security At least from March 2012
6. SEYED-HOSSEIN MORTAZAVI-ZANJANI: Warden of Evin Prison From 1986 to 1988 
7. MOHAMMAD MOGHISEH: Judge of the Evin Prison from 1989 to 1991 

Ghezel Hesar Prison

1. ASHKAN KAMALI: Head of Ghezel Hesar Prison in Karaj Since August 2020
2. HAMID MOHAMMADI: Director of Ghezel Hesar Prison From  2019, to June 2020
3. MOHAMMAD MOGHISEH: Assistant judge of Ghezel Hesar Prison in 1985   1986 – 1988 Head and Judge of Rajaei-Shahr Prison in Karaj 

Rajaei-Shahr Prison (AKA Gohardasht Prison): 

1. ALLAH KARAM AZIZI: The head of Rajaei-Shahr Prison From July 2019 to  August  2023
2. GHOLAMREZA ZIAEI: Head of Rajai-Shahr Prison in Karaj From October 2017 to July 2019
3. HAMID MOHAMMADI: Prior to his appointment as the director of Ghezel Hesar Prison, he was the director of Rajai-Shahr Prison in Karaj
4.  ALI HAJI-KAZEM: The warden of Rajaei-Shahr Prison
5. HAMID NOURY: Prison guard and assistant prosecutor of Rajaei-Shahr Prison Until 1991
6. HASSAN GHOBADI:  Deputy health of Rajaei-Shahr Prison at least from January 2019
7. SEYED-HOSSEIN MORTAZAVI-ZANJANI: Warden of Rajae-Shahr Prison From 1983 to 1986
8. MOHAMMAD MOGHISEH: Head and Judge of Rajaei-Shahr Prison From 1986  to 1988

Tehran Province Women’s Penitentiary (AKA Qarchak Prison in Varamin) 

1. SOGHRA KHODADADI: Head of the Women’s Ward of Qarchak Prison Since December 2020

Mashhad Central Prison (AKA Vakil Abad Prison): 

1. ALI ABDI: Head of Vakil Abad Prison From September 2019 to December 2021. And since December 2021 he is the deputy of Judiciary and Execution of Judgments of the General Administration of Khorasan Razavi Prisons Organization
2. HADI ESMAIEL ZADEGAN: Acting and then Director of Vakil Abad Prison Since November 2021

General:
1. SEYED HESHMATOLLAH HAIATOLGHEIB:

• Dorud city prison chief
• Police Deputy of the General Directorate of Prisons in Lorestan Province
• Deputy General Directorate of Prisons in Markazi Province
• Deputy of the General Directorate of Prisons in Isfahan Province
• Head of the Isfahan Central Prison (while maintaining the organizational position of deputy director general of prisons in Isfahan province)
• Deputy of the General Directorate of Prisons in Isfahan Province
• Head of the General Directorate of Prisons in Isfahan Province
• 2011-2015: Director-General of Yazd Province Prisons
• 2015- 2019: Director-General of Fars Province Prisons
• July 2019 to August 2021 and again February 2022: Director-General of Tehran Province Prisons

2. ALI CHAHARMAHALI:

• Vice President of Health, Correctional and Education of Prisons in Tehran Province
• 11 August 2016- 28 July 2019: Head of Evin Prison
• 28 July 2019-16 February 2022: Head of Great Tehran Penitentiary
• 16 February 2022-now: Director-General of Alborz Province Prisons

3.  IRAJ FATTAHI: 

• 2016- January 2023: Head of Karaj Central Penitentiary
• January 2023: Vice President of Health, Correctional and Education Department of Prisons of Alborz Province

4. ALI HAJI-KAZEM: 

• Former head of Karaj Central Penitentiary
• June 2005: the warden of Rajaei-Shahr prison
• From February 2022: Special advisor to Alborz governor on prisons

5. MOHAMMAD MAHDI HAJ-MOHAMMADI

• 2019 – June 2020 Deputy Justice of Tehran Province
• June 2020 – November 2021 Head of the State Prison and Security and Corrective Measures Organization
• From July 2023: Head of the Judiciary Office of Special Inspection and Citizen Rights.

6. MOHAMMAD-JAVAD ARDESHIR LARIJANI

• June 2005 – January 2020 Secretary of the High Council for Human Rights of Judicial system of Islamic Republic

7. GHOLAM-ALI MOHAMMADI

• July 2005 – September 2020 Deputy Chief Justice of Tehran Province
• September 2020 – November 2021 Deputy Head of the Judiciary chief office
• Since November 2021: Head of the State Prison and Security and Corrective Measures Organization