On the anniversary of the “Bloody Friday of Zahedan” last Friday, September 29, protests unfolded across several cities in Sistan and Baluchestan Province. In the aftermath, security forces detained numerous individuals within the province. Currently, the identities of 68 detainees, including 18 minors, have been established.
These protests escalated into violence as security and military forces employed gas, leading to injuries and hospitalizations among several protestors. According to Haal Vsh, a news outlet dedicated to reporting human rights violations in Sistan and Baluchestan Province, at least 29 individuals, including eight minors, have been injured. Among them, Haal Vsh has identified a 13-year-old named Hasib Rigi.
Furthermore, on the same day, Netblocks, a watchdog organization monitoring cybersecurity and internet governance, confirmed significant disruptions in internet connectivity within Zahedan.
Additionally, visual evidence has emerged depicting a heavy military presence in Zahedan, particularly around the Makki Grand Mosque, intensifying tensions on this day. Nevertheless, the Zahedan Prosecutor dismissed reports of shooting incidents, characterizing the situation as normal.
About Bloody Friday of Zahedan
Last year, during the nationwide protests of 2022 in Iran sparked by the tragic death in detention of Mahsa (Zhina) Amini, Zahedan witnessed a brutal crackdown on September 30, 2022. As protestors converged at the Great Mosalla of Zahedan after the Friday prayers, the Iranian security forces unleashed a barrage of live ammunition, metal pellets, and tear gas, resulting in significant casualties. This tragedy, now known as the “Bloody Friday of Zahedan,” has come to symbolize the Iranian authorities’ increasing disdain for the sanctity of human life and the broader struggles of the Baloch community in the country.
Read HRA’s reportfor an overview and contextual information about the event.
The Revolutionary Court in Tonekabon, located in Mazandaran province, has issued a six-month prison sentence for writer Arsalan Rasouli Amarlooie, as reported by Ensafnews.
The charge against Rasouli Amarlooie reportedly stems from his republication of an article written by a former managing editor of Kayhan on the internet.
Rasouli Amarlooie, who writes under the pen name Sargalesh, has been convicted of “insulting the Supreme Leader of Iran.”
In addition to his journalism work, he is the author of several books.
In a recent development on September 30, 2023, Mahboobeh Bigdeli was apprehended following her presence at the Gachsaran courthouse in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad province.
Bigdeli had been summoned to the courthouse to face charges related to “alleged dissemination of propaganda against the regime.”
A Gachsaran resident and a mother of two, Bigdeli had previously been arrested in connection with the nationwide protests of 2022. She was subsequently released under a “pardon and commutation” directive.
Arsalan Divargar was apprehended on Thursday, September 28, following his presence at the Sanandaj Ministry of Intelligence, as reported by Kolbar News.
Divargar, aged 46 and a resident of Divandarreh, had received a summons via phone from the Sanandaj Ministry of Intelligence before being arrested upon his arrival.
Notably, Divargar had previously been detained during the nationwide protests in 2022. He secured his release from Sanandaj Prison on February 28, 2023, after posting a bail of one billion rials (approximately 20,000 dollars).
Nayeb (Naeb) Askari, a political prisoner currently held in Urmia Prison, commenced a hunger strike on September 28 to protest against his death sentence.
A source close to Askari’s family relayed the news of his hunger strike to HRANA on Thursday. Another source disclosed that Askari initiated his hunger strike upon being transferred to the quarantine section.
IRGC intelligence agents apprehended Askari on March 27, 2021, in Urmia, subsequently relocating him to a detention facility. On June 17, 2021, he was transferred to Urmia Prison, where he has remained in detention.
In April 2023, Nayeb Askari was sentenced to death by Branch 2 of the Urmia Revolutionary Court, charged with “enmity against God (Moharebeh).”
Sources closely connected to his family have reported Askari’s deteriorating health during his detention. In February/January 2022, he experienced a convulsion but was denied adequate medical attention. The prison infirmary was allegedly ill-equipped, resorting to the arbitrary prescription of non-specific medication in such cases.
Furthermore, on July 12, 2021, he faced a new case stemming from a complaint by the head of Urmia Prison. As a result, he received an additional three months of imprisonment and 50 lashes for the charge of “disrupting prison order.”
Nayeb Askari is a father of two children, underscoring the urgency of addressing his situation.
On September 28, Mohamad-Hossein Sepehri and Hossein Sepehri, siblings of Fatemeh Sepehri, a civil rights activist held in Vakilabad Prison, Mashhad, were apprehended and subsequently taken to an undisclosed location.
The arrest of Sepehri’s brothers was executed by security forces in Mashhad, leaving their current whereabouts and the nature of the charges against them shrouded in uncertainty.
It is worth noting that Fatemeh Sepehri’s health condition had deteriorated significantly, necessitating her urgent hospitalization just the day before this incident.
Mohamad-Hossein Sepehri had previously been imprisoned on political charges and was released from Vakilabad Prison on May 29, 2023.
On the first anniversary of the Brutal crackdown on Baloch citizens, commonly referred to as the “Bloody Friday of Zahedan,” this report, presented by HRA’s Spreading Justice team, furnishes an overview and contextual information about the events. Additionally, it includes a list of regime officials implicated in the Zahedan Massacre.
Summary
It has been one year since Iranian authorities unleashed a brutal barrage of lethal force on Baloch citizens living in Zaheden. During the nationwide protests of 2022 in Iran sparked by the tragic death in detention of Mahsa (Zhina) Amini, Zahedan witnessed a brutal crackdown on September 30, 2022. As protestors converged at the Great Mosalla of Zahedan after the Friday prayers, the Iranian security forces unleashed a barrage of live ammunition, metal pellets, and tear gas, resulting in significant casualties. This tragedy, now known as the “Bloody Friday of Zahedan,” has come to symbolize the Iranian authorities’ increasing disdain for the sanctity of human life and the broader struggles of the Baloch community in the country.
Baloch Persecution in Iran
Click on the picture to download the Full report
The Baloch community in Iran, primarily residing in the country’s southeastern region, including Sistan and Baluchestan, has faced longstanding socio-economic and political marginalization. As a Sunni Muslim minority in a predominantly Shiite nation, the Baloch people have often grappled with ethnic and religious discrimination.
Economic Disparities: Sistan and Baluchestan, despite being one of the country’s largest provinces, is also among the most impoverished. Basic amenities like water, electricity, and healthcare remain inaccessible to many. The unemployment rate is significantly higher than the national average. The systemic economic deprivation has fueled grievances and driven a wedge between the Baloch populace and the central government.
Political Marginalization: The Balochs have limited representation in Iran’s political system. Policies decided in Tehran often overlook the unique needs and challenges of the Baloch community. The absence of substantial Baloch representation means their voice often goes unheard in policy-making corridors.
Religious Discrimination: As Sunni Muslims in the Shia-majority Iran and the Shia regime, the Baloch have faced religious discrimination. This is evident in their limited access to religious education, restrictions on building Sunni mosques, and harassment of Sunni clerics.
Cultural Suppression: The Iranian government’s policy towards minorities, including the Baloch, leans towards forced assimilation. Baloch traditions, languages, and customs often face suppression. The state’s educational system rarely offers courses in the Balochi language, thus slowly eroding the community’s linguistic heritage.
Human Rights Abuses: Arbitrary arrests, unlawful detention, torture, and extrajudicial killings have been reported in the Baloch region. The region’s volatile security situation, partly due to its border with Pakistan and Afghanistan, is often used as a pretext for these violations.
Nationwide Protests in Iran
The death in detention of Mahsa (Zhina) Amini in September 2022, after a traumatic incident with Iran’s “morality” police, catalyzed a series of demonstrations. This 22-year-old’s fate swiftly became emblematic of broader frustrations with the Iranian regime’s repressive policies. Protests titled “Woman, Life, Freedom” or “Mahsa Amini” protests erupted outside Kasra Hospital in Tehran and rapidly swept across all 31 provinces, including Sistan and Baluchestan. While these protests were ignited by Mahsa’s death, their scope widened to challenge the ideological underpinnings of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Zahedan’s Bloody Friday: An In-depth Account
Zahedan, the capital of Sistan and Baluchestan province, became the focal point of global attention on September 30, 2022, an event now seared into collective memory as “Bloody Friday.” Here, national grief over Mahsa Amini’s tragic death converged with regional anger due to the alleged sexual assault of a 15-year-old Baloch girl by a high-ranking police officer, Ebrahim Kouchakzai.
Bloody Friday Unfolds: On September 30, 2022, thousands gathered, their chants echoing a shared sentiment of a desire for justice and change. The vast expanse of the Great Mosalla of Zahedan became a sea of protestors, peacefully raising their concerns.
However, evident by the decision to block exit routes, and their elevated positions above the emerging crowds, security forces had preemptively planned a violent crackdown. As protestors congregated, security forces units took positions on strategic rooftops surrounding the Mosalla, the nearby Makki Mosque, and Police Station number 16 near the Mosalla. As the crowd’s momentum grew, security forces began indiscriminately firing tear gas canisters, live ammunition, and pallets upon the civilian population.
Protestors, including women, children, and the elderly, were caught in the open barrage. Many tried to flee, but the security forces shot the protesters from the rooftops surrounding the area. Blood stained the grounds of the Mosalla.
The Aftermath: The brutal crackdown lasted hours, but its impact will be felt for generations. Immediate reports were chaotic, with the numbers of the dead and injured fluctuating. However, reliable sources estimate that approximately 100 individuals were killed including at least 10 juveniles under the age of 18 with hundreds more injured. Some were trampled in the stampede attempting to escape, while others were direct victims of the gunfire.
In the immediate aftermath, Zahedan was in shock. But as the days progressed, the city, and indeed the wider Baloch community, rallied. This tragedy became a symbol, uniting various groups against what they saw as the unchecked brutality of the Iranian regime.
Despite the violence of Bloody Friday, the spirit of the protestors was not broken. In the weeks that followed, Zahedan saw more protests, namely after Friday prayers, signaling an ongoing resistance and a refusal to let the events of September 30 be forgotten.
Legacy of Bloody Friday
Zahedan’s Bloody Friday is more than just an event—it’s now a symbol of resistance against oppression in Iran and globally. The international community expressed horror and condemnation, with human rights organizations demanding a thorough and impartial investigation into the actions of the Iranian security forces. While tragic, the events of that day have solidified a call for change, justice, and an end to systemic and oppressive violence.
September 30th, 2022 saw a brutal display of excessive use of force against civilians that ultimately escalated to the use of lethal force. It is evident there were no considerations of proportionality taken into account. The security forces’ decision to block exit routes additionally suggests heinous premeditation.
These actions constitute a clear violation of international human rights law. Iran, as a state party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), is bound by its provisions. Article 6 of the ICCPR stipulates that “Every human being has the inherent right to life. This right shall be protected by law. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of their life.” Furthermore, Article 7 prohibits torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment. It is well-established by the United Nations and other international bodies that these rights extend to police and other security forces.
In situations where a protest escalates to a point where the use of force may be necessary, security officers are still obligated to respect and preserve human life. Firearms should only be used in self-defence or in defence of others.
In response to the distressing reports of sexual assault and rape allegedly committed by security forces in this city, it is imperative that the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission, in line with its mandate, conducts a swift and thorough investigation into the sexual abuse of women and girls in the context of the protests. This mandate also urges the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to respect, protect, and fulfil human rights and to take all measures necessary to stop and prevent extrajudicial killings, other forms of arbitrary deprivation of life, enforced disappearances, sexual and gender-based violence, arbitrary arrests and detentions, and torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, including against peaceful protesters.
Conclusion
Zahedan’s Bloody Friday is a stark reminder of the intersection of broader national issues with specific regional grievances. As Iranians across the nation stood up to voice their discontent with the government’s oppressive policies, in Zahedan, the Baloch community, already marginalized, found their struggles magnified. Their calls for justice, both for Mahsa and their native daughter, met with bullets and gas, some lethal. As the world grapples with these events, it underscores the importance of understanding regional dynamics within broader national movements. The people of Zahedan, and by extension, the Baloch community, seek justice for the events of September 30 and an end to decades of systemic neglect and oppression.
The Imperative of Identifying Perpetrators: Ensuring Accountability in the Zahedan Massacre
The acts that transpired on Bloody Friday in Zahedan are not just isolated events; they are emblematic of deeper systemic issues related to governance, control, and the exercise of power. The violence unleashed upon protestors affronts fundamental human rights principles and international laws. Identifying the perpetrators is essential to uphold human rights and protect civil society’s very fabric. Here’s why:
1. Upholding Justice: Justice is a universal principle transcending borders and cultures. For the families of the victims and the injured, knowing who was responsible for the tragedy provides a sense of closure and a belief that their sufferings have been acknowledged. It is a step towards healing, both for individuals and the community at large.
2. Accountability and Deterrence: Holding those responsible accountable sends a clear message to other potential violators: that such acts will not go unpunished. This, in turn, serves as a deterrent, ensuring that such heinous acts are not repeated.
4. Promotion of Human Rights: The global community looks to human rights organizations as watchdogs and protectors of universal rights. Their proactive role in such incidents affirms their commitment to these ideals and strengthens the global human rights framework.
5. Creating Historical Record: A historical record is created by documenting the details and holding individuals accountable. This ensures that future generations know of past mistakes and that history doesn’t repeat itself. More so, while some perpetrators might be able to escape justice and remain safe within the current government, this historical record ensures that in the future, when the opportunity arises, their actions are not forgotten, and justice can be served.
Identifying the Perpetrators
Several sources and witnesses have begun identifying critical actors involved in the Zahedan massacre. Some of the names mentioned include: (click on each name to read their full profile and involvement in human rights violations)
11. Ali Sarhadi – Sistan and Baluchestan province chief of police deputy for intelligence and public security. According to Haal Vsh this person has personally been present in Police Station 16 near the Makki Mosque on September 30, 2022 when the massacre happened and encouraged the killing of people.
12.Ahmad Shafahi – Commander of Salman Revolutionary Guard Corps in Sistan and Baluchestan Province
13. Ahmad Maldar– Commander of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in Saravan
14. Seyed Mohammad Azami – Deputy Operations Commander of Quds Base of IRGC Ground Forces. According to Haal Vsh, Mohammad Azami was personally present in the Makki Mosque on September 30, 2022, when the massacre happened and encouraged the killing of people.
15. Hamze Dehghan – Chief of Information Protection of Quds Corps in the province. (Haalvsh, 2023).
16. Morteza Jokar – Deputy Commander of the Provincial Police Force (Haalvsh, 2023).
17. Hossein Ghanbari – Head of the Second Branch of Shahid Nouri Judicial Complex (Zahedan General Court)
18. Majid Moalemzadeh Ansari – General and Revolutionary Prosecutor of Chabahar at the time
23. Abouzar Mohammadpour – The head of the protection and intelligence department of the prisons of Sistan and Baluchestan
24.Nik-Mohammad Balouch-Zehi – Information and Communications Technology department of Sistan and Baluchestan
This list is not comprehensive. HRA’s Spreading Justice database of Human Rights Perpetrators, together with its partners, remains dedicated to documenting the full list of individuals involved in the use of lethal force against civilians on September 30th, 2022. Should you have any information that may help in identifying those involved please contact: [email protected]
Political prisoner Majid Khademi has received a sentence of four years and four months in addition to 45 lashes from the Criminal Court of Behbahan. Khademi is currently serving a prior sentence in Behbahan Prison.
As per the verdict, Khademi has been given a three-year and six-month sentence for “arson,” along with ten months for “disturbing public order,” bringing the total to four years and four months, coupled with 45 lashes. Of this sentence, two years have been suspended for five years.
For another part of his legal case, Khademi was initially sentencedto ten years and one month by Mahshahr Revolutionary Court. However, following a plea of no contest, for one charge, the sentence was reducedto five years and five months for “assembly and collusion against national security,” down from six years and three months. His convictions of two years and six months for “propaganda against the regime” and one year and four months for “membership in anti-regime groups” remain unchanged. For these sentences, five years and five months have been enforced.
Khademi commencedserving his sentence in Behbahan Prison on August 22.
He was arrested by IRGC Intelligence on January 18, 2020, and subsequently held in a detention facility in Behbahan City for one month of interrogation before being transferred to Behbahan Prison. On June 15, 2021, Khademi was released on bail of 2.5 billion tomans pending the conclusion of legal proceedings.
Mahmood Mehrabi, who is presently held in detention at Dastgerd Prison in Isfahan, has been officially indicted on charges of “spreading corruption on earth” by the Mobarakeh Public and Revolutionary Courthouse.
Mehrabi faces a multitude of allegations, including “spreading corruption on earth through the dissemination of false information, propagating anti-regime content on the Internet, inciting military and police personnel to abandon their duties, and encouraging acts of aggression, as well as insulting both the former and current Supreme Leader of Iran.”
On February 1, 2023, security forces apprehended Mehrabi in Isfahan. Although he was temporarily released on bail on March 16, 2023, he was re-arrested shortly thereafter at his residence, reportedly in connection with his social media posts that voiced dissent.
It is noteworthy that Mehrabi has a history of prior arrests and convictions stemming from his activism.
In recent developments, four members of the Teachers’ Trade Association in Bushehr, namely Mohsen Omrani, Mohmood Melaki, Asghar Hajat, and Abdolreza Amanifar, have received sentences totaling four years and eight months, along with additional penalties.
As reported by the Teachers Union Telegram channel, Melaki and Omrani have each been sentenced to two years of imprisonment, with the additional penalty of having some of their assets confiscated, and a three-year ban from engaging in the educational profession. Meanwhile, Hajat and Amanifar have each received four-month prison sentences, coupled with the seizure of certain belongings.
These activists had initially been detained on May 1, 2022, during nationwide protests organized by working and retired teachers. They were subsequently released on bail over the following weeks, pending the conclusion of legal proceedings.
It’s worth noting that Melaki faced another arrest by security forces on December 17, 2022, amidst nationwide protests. Although he was released on bail in late February, he was later permanently dismissed from his service.
These individuals were reportedly convicted on charges related to “actions against national security, disruption of public order and peace, and resisting on-duty officers.”
