An Increase in Women’s Activism alongside Rising Government Hostility in Iran –“They can imprison our bodies, but they will never imprison our fight for justice.”

As the two-year anniversary of Mahsa Zhina Amini’s death in detention approaches, HRA explores a surge in women’s activism in Iran and the worsening repression by the government in response. Despite the passage of time, accountability for the violence remains largely absent, and the situation continues to deteriorate.

This report features personal accounts from female prisoners and women who have had interactions with various hijab monitoring bodies. The report delves into a brief historical evolution of protests for women’s rights, and the growing solidarity among women activists over the past 44 years. Further, it examines the government’s view of these movements as threats, leading to an increase in punitive actions such as arrests, violence, and severe legal consequences.

Through this analysis, HRA aims to highlight the resilience of Iranian women in the face of extreme repression and the broader implications of their struggle for freedom and equality.

The Backdrop Women’s Activism in Iran

1.   Historical Background

In the 44 years since the Islamic Revolution, women’s rights in Iran have been significantly curtailed. The repression and violence against women have not only manifested in physical harm but have also been deeply embedded in political and legislative reforms. Key changes included granting men the exclusive right to seek divorce, implementing mandatory hijab rules, and lowering the legal marriage age for girls from 18 to 9. Women also could not leave the country without the permission of their husbands significantly impacting their right to freedom of movement. Additionally, The Family Protection Courts were initially abolished and replaced by regular courts, later succeeded by family courts presided over by clerics. These cleric-led courts routinely favored husbands in family disputes, further entrenching gender inequality.

Over the past 44 years, these restrictions have fueled a significant increase in women’s activism in Iran, leading to a decades-long struggle. One of the first major protests occurred on March 6, 1979, after Khomeini announced that women would be required to wear veils when entering government property or working in government ministries. This sparked a six-day protest, led by women, opposing the mandatory hijab ruling and advocating for equal rights. In response, pro-Khomeini Islamist forces met the protests with extreme violence and intimidation, including the chant: “Either hijab or a smack in the head!” Despite this, many women refused to be silenced, continuing to form women’s associations and gather, particularly in universities. By 1983, the government had passed laws punishing women who refused to comply with mandatory veiling. These laws led to severe harassment, assaults on women’s activists, and their eventual arbitrary arrests.1

2. Previous Protests

After the 1979 protest, numerous protests and significant moments of women-led activism have continued. On 12 June 2006, the One Million Signatures Campaign began after a gathering in Tehran’s Haft-Tir Square to mark Iranian Women’s Unity Day. Various groups came together to demand reform of discriminatory laws against women, especially focusing on family laws. Iranian women had been advocating for change for decades, but this campaign represented the most comprehensive and dynamic effort seen thus far. After months of preparation, the campaign produced three key documents: (1) A petition calling for legal changes, which was meant to collect one million signatures. (2) A campaign plan that outlined the goals, methods, and structure of the movement. (3) A pamphlet titled The Effect of Laws on Women’s Lives, distributed by activists to raise awareness and gather support. The campaign, known for its grassroots approach, united women from diverse backgrounds and built a strong foundation for  a long history of advocating for women’s rights in Iran. Despite facing government repression and the arrest of activists, it became a significant milestone in the fight for gender equality. The One Million Signatures Campaign continues to symbolize the ongoing struggle for legal reforms and gender justice in Iran.2

Launched in May 2017, The White Wednesday movement encouraged women to wear white head scarves or other white clothing on Wednesdays as a peaceful yet bold act of resistance. By choosing white—a symbol of peace—the movement underscores the desire for freedom and autonomy in the face of state-enforced dress codes. Through the present day, women bravely share videos and photos of themselves, sometimes removing their hijabs in public, on social media platforms, despite knowing the severe consequences they could face from the government–they are the faces of the collective bravery of Iranian women. This movement has not only mobilized women but has also garnered support from men and others who stand in solidarity against the regime’s oppressive laws. The Iranian government has responded with harsh repression, arresting and imprisoning those who participate.

3. 2022 Protests “Woman, Life, Freedom”

The 2022 protests represented a culmination of years of frustration, inequality, and repression. After the death in detention of Masha Zhina Amini following her encounter with the morality police for alleged hijab compliance, the country erupted in nationwide protests for 82 consecutive days–and more in some areas. Protestors came out onto the street with the slogan ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’, these protests were centralized around women’s rights but also the repressive laws, and the regime itself.  These protests were violently quashed by the anti-riot police and Iran’s militia force (Basij). Teargas, pellets, and live ammunition were used in the repression of protests. One HRA investigation even uncovered the use of paintball guns. The protests took place in 31 provinces, 160 cities, and 143 major universities. Tragically, these protests also led to the death of at least 530 individuals,3 including 68 children and teenagers. It’s also estimated that 18,242 protesters were arrested, HRA confirmed the identity of 3,670 arrested citizens, 605 students and 61 journalists or activists.

The 2022 nationwide protests were unlike any other protests the country had seen before. Unlike recent protests, which were largely driven by economic or environmental concerns, these demonstrations were centered on political and human rights demands. Because the protests were sparked by the death of a young Kurdish and Sunni woman, her identity highlighted the intersection of gender, ethnic, and religious discrimination.

Iranian youth, with an average age of 15 according to law enforcement officials, played a pivotal role in these protests. An unprecedented solidarity emerged between Iranians within the country and those in the diaspora, uniting almost all classes of society, including the urban middle class, lower and upper classes, different ethnic and religious groups, sexual minorities, and various trade groups such as teachers, workers, students, professors, artists, and athletes. Businesses also demonstrated their support by participating in strikes. In terms of duration, these protests are among the longest continuous protests since the inception of the Islamic Republic.

The international community, particularly celebrities in arts, culture, and politics, has shown unprecedented support for the protesters, amplifying their demands and drawing global attention to the situation in Iran. The protests’ focus on women’s rights has revealed the progressive and assertive nature of Iranian society. The protests were often women led and demonstrated significant female leadership and participation and supported by men. One distinguishing feature of these protests is the unarmed demonstrators who frequently confronted security forces, often standing together to prevent arrests and resisting the Moral Security Police, whose decades-long interference in women’s personal lives fueled public anger.

In addition to the street protests, cyber warfare emerged between opponents and supporters of the regime, with numerous government sites being hacked. The hashtag #MahsaAmini became the first in Twitter’s history to surpass 284 million tweets, reflecting the global solidarity with the protesters. The Iranian government, this time, allowed FARAJA, the main law enforcement agency, greater latitude in repressing the protests, and employed alternative methods for controlling communication, such as reducing internet speed rather than cutting it off entirely, and filtering certain sites. Media outlets close to Iran’s security apparatus attempted to cover the protests in a way that favored the government, often underreporting the number of deaths during the protests.

These protests, despite lacking centralized leadership, have demonstrated the determination of Iranian society, particularly its younger generation, to secure their basic human rights. Iran’s ethnic groups, especially Kurdish and Baloch citizens, who are predominantly Sunni Muslims, have played a significant role in these protests and have also faced some of the most brutal crackdowns.4

Government’s Perception and Response

1. Threat Perception

The increased activism around women’s rights, especially regarding the compulsory hijab has made women a target of the government. Since the 16 of September 2022 up until the 18th of August 2024, 682 women have been detained for hijab-related reasons. During the same time period, 18 women’s rights activists have been arrested. Notable arrests include Narges Mohammadi, Zhina Modarresi Gorji and Zeinab Khenyab.

Following the recent protests, several political leaders and officials in Iran have made statements regarding the mandatory hijab and women’s activism. On April 3, 2024, Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of Iran, declared that compulsory veiling is a “religiously mandated decree and obligatory for women.” He attributed non-compliance to “foreign interference” and emphasized the need to address this issue.5

Subsequently, on April 13, 2024, Abbas Ali Mohammadian, the Commander of Tehran’s police force, announced that the police in Tehran and other provinces would begin confronting individuals who promote “social abnormalities,” such as appearing without a headscarf. He specifically mentioned that those who ignored previous police warnings would receive a final warning, with legal action to follow.6

On April 21, 2024, Hassan Hassanzadeh, the Commander of the Revolutionary Guards in Tehran, introduced the formation of trained groups (the so-called “Ambassadors of Kindness”) to enforce compulsory veiling in public spaces, though he did not specify their exact composition or institutional affiliation.7

Finally, on April 23, 2024, Ahmadreza Radan, the Commander-in-Chief of Iran’s police force (FARAJA), announced the implementation of the “irreversible Noor Plan,” which has received approval from the parliament, judiciary, and government. On the same day, FARAJA issued a statement equating defiance of compulsory veiling with activities of “organized criminal gangs…involved in corruption, prostitution, and pornography.” Additionally, a “Bill to Support the Culture of Chastity and Hijab” is nearing adoption in Iran’s parliament. If passed, this law will formalize the government’s crackdown on women and girls defying the compulsory veiling mandate and will severely deepen the gender divide.8

The Iranian government perceives women’s activism, particularly in opposition to compulsory hijab, as a significant threat to its ideological and social control. Statements from key political and military leaders relieve a narrative that frames defiance of mandatory veiling not merely as a social or religious issue but as a challenge to state authority, ‘influenced by foreign interference.’  These statements also highlight the premeditated intent of the regime to suppress dissent. The rhetoric used by figures such as Ali Khamenei and Ahmadreza Radan equates women’s activism with organized crime and societal corruption, showcasing a deep-seated fear of the potential for these movements to destabilize the regime’s traditionalist foundations. The implementation of measures like the “irreversible Noor Plan” and the formation of enforcement groups like the “Ambassadors of Kindness” further underscores the government’s commitment to quelling these movements through legal, political, and physical means, viewing the activism as a direct assault on the state’s moral and cultural codes. This reaction highlights the regime’s view of women’s activism not just as a demand for rights but as a broader existential threat to the state’s ideological hegemony.

2. Current hijab monitoring bodies

hijab monitoring body

The hijab monitoring bodies often enforce violent methods to force women to comply with the mandatory hijab rules. So far in 2024, around 620 women have been arrested under Operation Noor. On June 21, on a street in Tehran, two teenage girls were violently assaulted and arrested by agents.9 These girls were then transferred to the Morality Police in a white van. According to the mother of one of the girls, when she visited the Morality Police, she saw her daughter with a bruised face, swollen lips, a bruised neck, and torn clothes. Additionally, they were threatened not to file complaints against the officers.

This incident resulted in injuries to at least one of the girls, Nafas Haji-Sharif, 14 years old. Maryam Abbasi, Nafas Haji-Sharif’s mother, disclosed that on July 1, her daughter was beaten by agents. She provided documents, including a video of the confrontation recorded by CCTV cameras, to Ensaf News. The video released from the time of the girls’ arrest shows that the girls were trying to hide on another street but were attacked by the agents. In the video, one of the girls is seen being severely beaten by the officers. As she resisted arrest, the officers grabbed her hair, dragged her violently on the ground, and forced her into a white van.

Maryam Abbasi said, “The hijab enforcers violently forced my daughter and her friend into the van, and her head was slammed into an electric post. Inside the van, they put their foot on my daughter’s neck and pulled her hair.” She also provided pictures of the injuries on her daughter’s body.

Abbasi mentioned that when she went to the Morality Police, she found her daughter with a bruised face, swollen lips, and a bruised neck. She also claimed that the officers involved in the incident treated her dismissively and ignored her complaint. She stated that the on-duty judge allowed her access to the CCTV footage, but subsequent follow-ups have been unsuccessful. She continues to call on various police and judicial authorities to investigate and address her complaint.

Meanwhile, the Morality Police claim that a female officer’s fingers were broken in the altercation and that the case’s judge threatened them not to file a complaint against the officers. Abbasi said, “In the presence of a lawyer, they told me not to complain against the officers; otherwise, the Intelligence and Security forces would get involved, making it costly for you and out of our control.”

In a similar act of violence against women, on July 22, Arezou Badri was heading home from work with her sister Sara while their car was flagged by the Law Enforcement Forces (LEF) for improper hijab. Instead of de-escalating the situation, a First Sergeant in the LEF opened fire on the car as Sara attempted to drive away. One of the bullets struck Arezou in the spine. She was rushed to the hospital for emergency surgery. Arezou will likely never walk again.

In a conversation with HRA, several women told their stories of what it was like to be confronted and arrested by Operation Noor officers. One women stated “With the resumption of the Noor Plan this year (April 13, 2024), at 6 PM in Enghelab Square, I was attacked by plainclothes officers and baton-wielding hijab enforcers, both male and female, in Tehran’s Enghelab Square. The arrested women present on that day were taken away in ambulances, motorcycles, and white Peugeot cars. After a two-hour chase through the alleys of Enghelab to the route home, I was hit by tear gas and attacked by four plainclothes motorcyclists armed with batons and wooden sticks. I dragged myself to the next alley and street”.

Iranian women paint a harrowing picture of the oppressive and violent treatment they endure at the hands of their government. They recount experiences of being brutally targeted for the slightest deviation from the state-imposed dress code, such as improper hijab. Women are not only subjected to arbitrary arrests and physical assaults but also face severe, life-altering consequences for resisting these draconian measures. The government’s response to any form of dissent is often swift and ruthless, with agents employing excessive force, including beatings, shootings, and threats, to enforce compliance.

One woman’s testimony encapsulates the pervasive fear and helplessness felt by many:

Government’s Hostility and Vengeance

The rise in activism in Iran has made these very women significant force, leading the government to see them as a threat at both social and structural levels. Women’s issues, such as the compulsory hijab, are increasingly difficult for the Islamic Republic to justify internationally, adding pressure on the regime.

The hijab is central to the Islamic Republic’s identity, especially after the 1979 revolution when its enforcement impacted women’s workforce participation. Any concession on the hijab is viewed as a step towards secularism, which the regime perceives as an existential threat. Therefore, women’s demands for freedom and equality are seen as a fundamental challenge to the regime’s ideological foundation.

These factors have fueled the government’s hostility towards women. Traditional societal norms in Iran complicate the government’s ability to label women protesters as terrorists or vandals, giving women more freedom to radicalize their protests. The government’s use of extreme and illegal measures, such as sexual violence against female detainees, strict new laws, and brute force, highlights its desperation to maintain control.

Following the 2022 protest, the ‘Hijab and Chastity bill’ was introduced, eventually expanding from 15 to 70 articles to enforce stricter regulations on mandatory hijab and gender segregation in public spaces. The bill imposes severe penalties, including fines and corporal punishments, and utilizes technology like AI for enforcement. It empowers the Basij group, intensifying societal control. Despite concerns about privacy and freedom, the bill has been pushed forward, with recent amendments requiring police to obtain legal authorization before intervening in certain cases.10 11

The Hijab and Chastity Bill violates several key international human rights standards, especially under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which Iran is a signatory. Firstly, the bill violats the Right to Freedom of Expression ( Art, 19 ICCPR); compulsory dress interferes with the freedom of expression and Right to Freedom of Thought, Conscience, and Religion ( Article 18, ICCPR) International law upholds an individual’s right to wear religious attire is voluntary, therefore forcing women to adhere to religious dress code contravenes this right.

Additionally, the Bill also violates the right to Gender Equality and Non-Discrimination (Article 3, ICCPR). The law disproportionately targets women and enforces gender-based discrimination. By mandating specific dress codes for women only, the bill discriminates on the basis of gender, violating the principle of equality before the law. Gender-based discrimination is explicitly prohibited under international human rights law​.

Lastly, The bill violates article 17, ICCPR, by enforcing strict dress codes through surveillance and state monitoring (including street enforcers and the potential for penalties based on social media activity), the law infringes on the individual’s right to privacy. Intruding into personal dress choices and punishing non-compliance directly violates the principle that individuals should be free from unwarranted interference in their personal life​

Amir-Hossein Bankipour Fard, a member of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, stated on May 12,2024  that under the Hijab and Chasity bill citizens could be arrested for four reasons. (1) Individuals who are considered to be semi-naked, (2) those who are ‘connected’ to anti-regime or foreign groups, (3) Individuals who resists after being warned, (4) foreigners who do not have acceptable documentation with them. These measures, like many, are vague in nature leaving far too much discretion in the hands of authority. This subsequently led to the deportation of Kobra Gholami in August 2024. She is an Afghan citizen and researcher at Al-Zahra University, who was deported to Afghanistan after she “received a warning about her hijab”, Bankipour has also  stated that the nƒahmew bill will include camera surveillance.

Unprecedented Repression Signals a Growing Threat

Despite the government’s efforts, women’s activism continues, signaling its failure to fully suppress their movement. This situation has led to unprecedented repressive measures, including the potential issuance of death sentences to women activists, as a drastic and symbolic attempt to reassert control.

Among the harsh measures taken against women is the imprisonment of eleven prominent female activists in Gilan province. This crackdown on dissent extends to the imposition of death sentences as a form of retaliation. For example, Sharifeh Mohammadi, a labor activist, has been sentenced to death on charges of ‘Baghi’ (armed rebellion). Similarly, Pakhshan Azizi, a political prisoner, also received the death penalty on charges related to her alleged membership in anti-regime groups. Arrested on August 4th, 2023, in Tehran, Azizi was denied access to a private lawyer and was unable to see her family. After enduring four months of intense interrogation, she was transferred to the women’s ward of Evin Prison, where she remains detained.

The Iranian government’s relentless crackdown on women’s activism reveals its profound fear of losing control over a society that is increasingly demanding basic human rights and freedoms. Despite decades of repression, women in Iran continue to challenge the regime’s authoritarian grip, especially around the issues of compulsory hijab and broader gender discrimination. The state’s response—marked by escalating violence, arbitrary arrests, and draconian legislation—reflects its desperation to maintain an ideological stronghold that is becoming ever more tenuous. However, the resilience of Iranian women, who persist in their fight despite the ever-present threat of severe punishment, underscores a growing crisis for the regime. The harsh measures, including imprisonment and even death sentences, may silence some voices temporarily, but they also ignite a deeper resolve among others, ensuring that the struggle for freedom and equality in Iran is far from over. As one activist poignantly stated, “Hope lies in the continuous efforts of ordinary people to live, to expand life; hope lies in the progressive slogans of the masses despite the absence of progressive mass organizations and the presence of reactionary opposition media; hope lies in women not backing down from the street battles for their minimal freedoms despite the severe consequences. If there is any hope for me, it is certainly in the streets of Iran and among the people who have repeatedly risked their lives over the years and have attacked the Iranian regime.’
In a conversation with HRA a woman shares her experiences being arrested and interrogated by Ministry of Intelligence forces:

Insights from Iranian Women

The conditions faced by women in Iranian prisons are a stark testament to the regime’s efforts to suppress dissent and break the spirit of those who challenge its authority. Women imprisoned for their activism, resistance to the mandatory hijab, or other acts of defiance endure extreme hardships that are both physical and psychological in nature.

Testimonies from women detainees reveal a disturbing pattern of abuse. One prisoner recounts, “They tried to break us with isolation and deprivation, but our resolve only grew stronger.” In facilities like Evin prison, women are subjected to solitary confinement, where they are cut off from the outside world, denied basic rights such as medical care, and prevented from contacting their families.12 The unsanitary conditions, overcrowding, and lack of proper nutrition exacerbate their suffering, turning their imprisonment into a daily battle for survival.

High-security wards like Ward 209 in Evin Prison, controlled by the Ministry of Intelligence, are notorious for their harsh conditions. Women held here, often those seen as particularly threatening to the regime, are isolated even further. “They moved me to Ward 209 to silence me, but even in the darkness of solitary confinement, I knew I had to keep fighting,” said one woman who experienced this brutal treatment.

Hunger strikes have emerged as a desperate form of protest for these women, who use their bodies as the only means left to demand justice. The Iranian authorities respond to these protests with predictable cruelty. Rather than addressing the grievances of the prisoners, they intensify the repression. One prisoner stated, “When they saw we wouldn’t break, they only made it worse—more isolation, more threats.” In some cases, prisoners who refuse to wear the chador during court appearances or police check-ins face additional punishment, such as relocation to even harsher wards or further restrictions on their already limited freedoms.

Despite the brutal conditions, the spirit of resistance among these women remains unbroken. Their courage and resilience not only highlight the severe abuses they face but also serve as a beacon of hope and defiance against a regime determined to silence them. As one woman powerfully expressed, “They can imprison our bodies, but they will never imprison our fight for justice.”

A testament to unwavering commitment

Since the tragic and unlawful death of Mahsa Zhina Amini while in state custody, Iranian women have continued to demonstrate unparalleled courage and resilience in defiance of a systematic campaign of gender-based oppression orchestrated by the Iranian government. The international community must recognize and support this movement–and not only at times when it makes the headlines.

Despite decades of structural repression, Iranian women remain at the forefront of a growing movement for equality, fundamental rights, and personal autonomy, persistently challenging the discriminatory policies and practices of the regime. The Iranian government’s brutal attempts to suppress these voices – through widespread and systematic use of violence, arbitrary detention, and gender-based discriminatory laws – clearly amount to a sustained attack on the fundamental human rights of women.

As HRA’s investigation into the crime against humanity of gender and political persecution demonstrates, the ongoing state-sanctioned violence against women and girls in Iran fits squarely within the legal parameters of such crimes under international law. Under Article 7(1)(h) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), gender persecution is recognized as a crime against humanity when it involves “the intentional and severe deprivation of fundamental rights contrary to international law by reason of the identity of the group or collectivity.” The Iranian regime’s pervasive gender-based discrimination, coupled with its violent enforcement of discriminatory laws, constitutes such a deprivation of rights, including the rights to life, liberty, and security of person, freedom of expression, and freedom from torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.

Although Iran is not a party to the Rome Statute, which specifically enumerates gender persecution as a crime against humanity, customary international law imposes binding obligations on all states, including Iran, to prevent and punish acts of persecution on the basis of gender.

Customary international law, derived from consistent state practice, holds that persecution—whether on political, racial, religious, or gender-based grounds—violates fundamental human rights.

This oppression is not an isolated incident but part of a broader state policy aimed at the systemic subjugation of women. HRA’s investigation highlights the widespread and systematic nature of this persecution, a defining characteristic of crimes against humanity under international law. The regime’s crackdown on women’s rights activists and political prisoners is designed to stifle dissent and maintain a patriarchal structure that is incompatible with the basic principles of gender equality enshrined in international human rights instruments.

Testimonies collected by HRA from activists and political prisoners further reinforce the conclusion that the regime’s repressive tactics, while temporarily silencing some, cannot extinguish the movement for gender equality and human dignity.

As one woman interviewed by HRA expressed: “I hope that women will be recognized as half of the country’s human population and that conditions will change in a way that respects their rights and human dignity, and we will see them enjoying basic freedoms such as social freedoms.”

Such sentiments are a testament to the resilience and determination of Iranian women and symbolize the hope for a future where gender equality is realized, and repression is met with accountability.

It is essential for the international community to stand in solidarity with Iranian women, whose activism challenges not only gender inequality but also a deeply entrenched system of oppression that violates the very essence of universal human rights. There is both a legal and moral obligation to respond. The fight for women’s rights in Iran is not only a struggle for gender equality; it is a critical component of the global fight for justice, human dignity, and the rule of law and silence is complicity.

  1. 1. https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/203107/1/sadeghi_boroujerdi_2023_iran_s_uprisings_for_women_life_freedom_over_determination_crisis_and_the_lineages_of_revolt.pdf
  2. 2. https://learningpartnership.org/sites/default/files/resources/pdfs/One-Million-Signatures-Campaign-English_0.pdf
  3. 3. HRA’s reporting includes both civilians and security forces, though the vast majority of those killed were civilian protesters.
  4. 4. See HRA and parter UpRights inivestigation into the crime of humanity of gender and political persecution in the context of the 2022 protests, https://www.hra-iran.org/hra-with-legal-support-of-uprights-gender-political-persecution-in-iran-since-at-least-sept-2022-2/
  5. 5. https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/MDE1380292024ENGLISH.pdf
  6. 6. https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/MDE1380292024ENGLISH.pdf
  7. 7. https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/MDE1380292024ENGLISH.pdf
  8. 8. https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/MDE1380292024ENGLISH.pdf
  9. 9. https://www.en-hrana.org/report-on-violent-arrest-of-teenage-girls-in-tehran-over-mandatory-hijab/?hilite=two+girls
  10. 10. The important objection of the Guardian Council to the Chastity and Hijab bill about the police force
  11. 11. “Hijab and Chastity” bill; Resolution of two “ambiguities” of the Guardian Council by the Parliament
  12. 12. https://www.en-hrana.org/womens-rights-activists-zohreh-and-zahra-dadras-arrested-to-commence-serving-their-sentences/

 

Journalist Salaheddin Khalaj Asadi Sentenced to Flogging

Journalist Salahuddin Khalaj Asadi has been sentenced to forty lashes by the Appeals Court of Markazi Province.

This journalist reported that the case was filed following a complaint by Masoud Pirayesh, Director General of the Sports and Youth Department of Markazi Province. Mr. Khalaj Asadi was sentenced to forty lashes on the charge of insulting a government official.

Khalaj Asadi also announced that he was acquitted of the charges of “personal insult, defamation, and spreading falsehoods.”

It is crucial to note that the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibits flogging as a form of cruel and inhumane punishment.

In 2023, the Department of Statistics and Publications of the Human Rights Activists in Iran (HRA) documented 2,380 cases in which citizens, including journalists and civil rights activists, faced legal and security consequences for exercising their freedom of expression and thought. These incidents resulted in the arrest of 3,130 individuals.

Sexual and Reproductive Rights in Iran: Battling Restrictive Laws and Discriminatory Practices

HRANA News Agency –In the past decade, Iran has ramped up stringent policies aimed at restricting women’s rights, particularly their reproductive autonomy, under the guise of bolstering national security and economic growth. Spearheaded by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei’s advocacy for population growth, Iran introduced measures like the 2015 Bill 446 and 2021 Population Rejuvenation and Family Support Act, which limit access to contraception and abortion while reinforcing traditional gender roles. Recent legislation like the 2023-2024 Population Youth Bill further criminalizes abortion, imposes discriminatory workplace practices, and restricts prenatal screenings, disproportionately affecting rural and marginalized women. These systemic violations jeopardize women’s health, autonomy, and human rights, prompting calls for international intervention to address Iran’s deepening gender inequality.

The detailed report below addresses the latest developments in this area in Iran.

Read the comprehensive report by Human Rights Activists in Iran, published simultaneously with a joint statement by civil society organizations.

“When I realized I couldn’t meet the stringent requirements for a legal abortion, I felt desperate and trapped. This led me to seek an illegal abortion. The entire experience was cloaked in secrecy and fear. I was scared for my health and well-being, knowing the risks involved with unregulated procedures. The fear of legal repercussions loomed large, adding to the stress of the situation.”

Introduction

Over the past decade, Iran has implemented increasingly stringent policies aimed at curtailing women’s fundamental rights. These measures, partly driven by concerns over declining population growth, have been repeatedly purported by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei since 2012 to mitigate the challenges of an aging populace. In 2012, Khamenei denounced the existing policies as an imitation of western policies. He wanted an increase from Iran’s population from 78 million to around 200 million. He advocated for an end to contraceptive methods and Family and Population planning programs. Iranian leadership argues that a higher population would drive economic growth and national security, drawing on a traditionalist view of family and gender roles.

Unfortunately, lawmakers have chosen to address this demographic issue by imposing restrictions on women’s reproductive autonomy. This includes denying access to essential reproductive healthcare and information, as well as enforcing discriminatory policies that reinforce traditional gender roles, compelling women into the primary caregiving role. The following analysis provides a comprehensive examination of the decade-long population growth laws, shedding light on the systemic violations of international women’s rights alongside insights from women who have endured the direct consequence of the implementations.

In Iran, religious ideology plays a significant role in shaping discussions on reproductive rights. Particularly unique to the country is the emphasis on increasing the Shia population, driven by concerns about preserving cultural and religious dominance. Religious authorities assert that boosting fertility rates among Shia adherents is not only a religious duty but also essential to offsetting perceived threats from the Sunni population and Afghan immigrants. To inspire compliance with these objectives, religious figures such as Lady Fatima, revered for her divine femininity in Islam, are invoked. This serves to instill women with a sense of religious obligation and merit, aligning personal choices with state and religious imperatives.

2015: The Bill to Increase Fertility Rates and Prevent Population Decline (Bill 446) & The Comprehensive Population and Exaltation of Family Bill (Bill 315)

The legislative proposals under scrutiny, namely Bill 446, known as the Bill to Increase Fertility Rates and Prevent Population Decline, and Bill 315, referred to as the Comprehensive Population and Exaltation of Family Bill of 2015, represent significant policy shifts aimed at altering Iran’s approach to family planning.

Bill 446 seeks to restrict access to modern contraceptives and outlaw voluntary sterilization, marking a departure from previous policies that supported family planning measures. Additionally, the bill aims to limit the dissemination of information regarding contraception, including initiatives by the Ministry of Health and Medical Education to promote family planning programs.

Meanwhile, Bill 315 introduces discriminatory measures targeting women in the workplace. Under Article 9, it mandates preferential treatment for men with children, married men without children, and women with children during the hiring process in both public and private sectors. This effectively sidelines childless women from employment opportunities. Furthermore, the bill incentivizes employers in private sectors to prioritize hiring women with children through receiving a 6% reduction in insurance contributions to employees salaries for 5 years. 

The legislation also extends its discriminatory reach into the education sector, where schools are encouraged to favor married applicants over single individuals for teaching positions. Moreover, Article 16 imposes marriage as a prerequisite for obtaining licensure to practice family law, further entrenching gender-based barriers within the legal profession. These provisions collectively reinforce societal norms that prioritize marriage and childbearing for women while restricting their access to the workforce.

Furthermore, under article 10  in public and private schools, teachers and other educational roles should not employ single individuals, unless no married applicants are available. Article 16 makes marriage a precondition for obtaining a license from the Iranian Bar Association to practice family law. 

2021: Population Rejuvenation and Family Support Act

On November 1, 2021, Iran’s Guardian Council greenlit the “Population Rejuvenation and Family Support Act.” Despite its title, this legislation imposes stringent limitations on women’s reproductive rights, including access to birth control and sterilization, a ban on abortion, and perpetuates systemic discrimination against them.

Prior to this law, an abortion could be performed during the first four months of the pregnancy, however this would  require the approval of three different doctors who would need to agree that the pregnancy is either a threat to a woman’s life or that the child would have several physical or mental disabilities that would impair the life of the mother. . 

Several articles further limit already restricted access to safe abortion. Article 56 mandates the Health Ministry to establish a committee that includes doctors, Islamic jurists, and representatives of the judiciary and the parliamentary health committee to draft new regulations for abortion that could lead to further restrictions

Article 52 of the law specifically outlaws voluntary sterilization, a permanent contraceptive method relied upon by both men and women. Additionally, Article 51 prohibits the free distribution of contraceptives within the public healthcare system. Moreover, the legislation mandates the collection and sharing of patients’ fertility, pregnancy, and abortion histories across all Iranian medical institutions, flagrantly violating patients’ privacy rights.

While the bill ostensibly offers benefits to pregnant women and protects them from discriminatory practices, it fails to address pervasive workplace discrimination against women. Despite guaranteeing nine months of fully paid maternity leave under Article 17, Iran lacks legal safeguards against discriminatory hiring practices, effectively sidelining women from the workforce.

Moreover, each new bill in Iran mandates additional requirements for various ministries. For instance, the Ministry of Education and Science must develop educational materials, yet these materials are biased, promoting increased childbirth while downplaying the benefits of contraception and abortion. Furthermore, the Ministry of Intelligence is tasked with cracking down on illegal abortion drugs and advocacy, further limiting women’s reproductive choices.

In essence, while presented as supportive of families, the “Population Rejuvenation and Family Support Act” in reality reinforces gender inequality and curtails women’s autonomy over their bodies and futures.

2023-2024 Population Youth Bill 

Recent legislation in Iran proposes harsher penalties for abortion, ostensibly to boost the country’s population. This draft revision of the Penal Code not only criminalizes abortion in broader circumstances but also extends punitive measures to individuals providing abortion services and sharing related information. Such measures threaten women’s autonomy and health, potentially leading to unsafe practices and reinforcing traditional gender roles.

The Ministry of Health’s decision to remove prenatal screening, aiming to boost population growth, has sparked controversy and concern. Previously, screening for chromosomal abnormalities was optional and conducted during pregnancy at level 1 healthcare centers. However, the new law prohibits healthcare providers from suggesting or offering these screenings, shifting responsibility to specialist doctors at level 2 care. This change disproportionately affects those with limited resources, particularly in rural and underserved areas where access to specialist care is limited. The removal of prenatal screening from level 1 care continues to show the deep-rooted need to control women’s  autonomy. It is a procedure. that prioritizes the health of the baby and also of the mother, and removing it can lead to serious, but also preventable, health complications for the baby and the mother. The move raises questions about the government’s commitment to balancing population growth with ensuring healthy births, as it may inadvertently lead to a rise in disabilities without effectively addressing the root causes of population decline.

This legislative push reflects a broader attempt to control women’s roles within society, disregarding their diverse circumstances and right to make reproductive choices. It implicates multiple governmental bodies, from lawmakers drafting repressive laws to law enforcement agencies implementing them. This comprehensive network of control not only limits women’s autonomy but also jeopardizes their well-being, highlighting a systemic violation of human rights within Iranian governance.

In a conversation with HRA, one woman stated that This law makes me feel suffocated, like I’m being boxed into a role that society has chosen for me. The focus isn’t on our well-being or choice but on fulfilling a role as child-bearers. This isn’t just about reproductive health; it’s about controlling women’s bodies and, by extension, their lives.”

This new law has also raised concerns amongst medical professionals. Concerns about women’s health and the treatment available to women. One doctor disclosed the following to HRA; “The closure of specialized clinics has been disastrous for women’s health. We are seeing an increase in medical complications because women delay seeking help due to reduced access. This hesitancy often results in more severe health issues by the time they reach us, complicating treatment and endangering lives.”

Consequences 

In recent years, the intersection of reproductive rights and healthcare has become increasingly vital for women’s access to comprehensive healthcare. As some nations progress in legalizing abortion and affirming it as both a personal choice and a legal entitlement, significant milestones are achieved. Notably, on March 4, 2024, France fortified this commitment by enshrining abortion as a constitutional right, thereby cementing it as a fundamental freedom guaranteed to all.

However, June 2022 marked a significant turning point when the United States Supreme Court overturned the historic precedent set by Roe v. Wade in 1973, which affirmed a general constitutional protection for the right to abortion. This decision has triggered a profound regression in reproductive rights across the United States. Presently, abortion is prohibited in 14 states, resulting in harrowing scenarios where women are compelled to carry stillborn fetuses and are denied essential medical assistance. Furthermore, some states have enacted punitive measures, including criminal and civil penalties, exacerbating the situation.

Iranian women are not isolated in their struggle to attain access to reproductive healthcare. Nevertheless, the systemic discrimination, infringements upon the right to health, and the extensive legislative measures employed to subdue Iranian women, perpetuating their subordinate status in society, inherently contravene their right to health and their inherent rights as women, consequently jeopardizing their lives. One woman, in a conversation with HRA stated the following after receiving an illegal abortion: “When I realized I couldn’t meet the stringent requirements for a legal abortion, I felt desperate and trapped. This led me to seek an illegal abortion. The entire experience was cloaked in secrecy and fear. I was scared for my health and well-being, knowing the risks involved with unregulated procedures. The fear of legal repercussions loomed large, adding to the stress of the situation.”

Right to Health

Iran has committed to upholding the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which encompasses the right to health, particularly articulated in Article 12(a). This provision emphasizes the imperative to reduce stillbirth rates and infant mortality while promoting the healthy development of children. The Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights has issued various general comments, notably in 2000 through General Comment 14, elucidating the scope of reproductive rights. According to this comment, Article 12(a) encompasses access to essential services such as family planning, prenatal and postnatal care, emergency obstetric services, and comprehensive information. Furthermore, it underscores the necessity for states to ensure unhindered access to contraceptives and other resources vital for sexual and reproductive health. States are also urged to refrain from censoring, withholding, or distorting health-related information, including sexual education, and from impeding individuals’ participation in health-related decision-making processes. 

The international human rights system does not outwardly support the right to abortion in all cases, they have advocated for the need to decriminalize it and that denying access to abortion can amount to a violation to the right to health and at times even considered to be cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment. The Special Rapporteur on torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment has especially highlighted that “the denial of safe abortions and subjecting women and girls to humiliating and judgmental attitudes in such contexts of extreme vulnerability and where timely health care is essential amount to torture or ill treatment.

Iran has clearly been violating the right to health, the current bill seeks to criminalize abortion and to advocate for women to have more children, regardless of their health and informing women of potential risks. The Iranian government has gone on a very public campaign to manipulate women into having more children. This includes a public billboard starting “Enjoy a better life through the birth of more children”. Additionally, there have been multiple billboard depicting a better life with more children.

Furthermore, it’s noteworthy that Iran has implemented comprehensive bans on reproductive education and family planning services. Such restrictions not only hinder access to vital information but also deprive women of their right to make informed decisions about their reproductive health. Despite these setbacks in Iran’s approach to reproductive rights, it has been a recipient of support and funding from the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) since the 1970s. This longstanding support underscores the commitment to advancing sexual and reproductive rights for women and young people. However, it’s crucial to acknowledge that challenges persist. The UNFPA recognizes the alarming rise in gender-based violence and harmful practices, as well as the persistent high rates of preventable maternal deaths. Despite considerable financial investments, there remains a pressing need for sustained efforts to address these issues effectively. Within the framework of UNFPA’s 2023-2024 Country Programme and the 2024-2025 collaborative agendas with Iran, it is imperative for UNFPA to advocate for the revision of existing laws that unjustly criminalize abortion and enforce severe penalties on both seekers and providers of abortion services, including healthcare practitioners.

Family planning had been essential to decreasing unsafe abortion in Iran, however the trends over the years have shown a significant shift in safety. One doctor, in a conversation with HRA stated that: “Initially, we observed a decrease in abortion rates, thanks to effective family planning and education. However, the new restrictive laws have reversed that trend. Now, more women are seeking abortions under riskier circumstances, often without adequate medical oversight.”.  Additionally, these new laws have also significantly hampered the relations between medical professionals and patients, a relationship that should be void of any political or religious pressures. Women are feeling more anxious and discussing something as personal as contraception or abortion feels risky and like it could possibly lead to legal consequences. 

Conclusion

The examination of reproductive rights infringements in Iran reveals a troubling reality where women’s autonomy over their bodies and reproductive health is systematically undermined by restrictive legislation and discriminatory practices. From the implementation of laws criminalizing abortion to the imposition of preferential treatment for men in the workplace, Iranian women face significant barriers in accessing essential reproductive healthcare and exercising their fundamental rights.

Moreover, the recent trend of legislative measures aimed at increasing population growth has further eroded women’s autonomy, perpetuating traditional gender roles and reinforcing societal norms that prioritize childbearing over women’s well-being and individual agency. The consequences of these policies are dire, leading to increased risks of unsafe abortion practices, exacerbated health complications, and heightened gender inequality in various spheres of life.

In response to these challenges, it is imperative for the Iranian government to take immediate action to repeal restrictive legislation, promote comprehensive family planning programs, and eradicate discrimination against women in all aspects of society. Collaboration with international organizations can provide valuable expertise and resources in advancing reproductive rights and improving women’s health outcomes.

Furthermore, public awareness campaigns and educational initiatives are essential in challenging societal attitudes and norms that perpetuate gender inequality and discrimination. By upholding international standards of health and human rights, Iran can demonstrate its commitment to advancing gender equality, empowering women, and ensuring the full realization of reproductive rights for all its citizens.

In conclusion, the protection of reproductive rights is not only a matter of individual autonomy but also a fundamental aspect of human rights and dignity. It is incumbent upon the Iranian government to prioritize the health and well-being of its population by enacting policies that respect and uphold women’s reproductive rights, thus fostering a more equitable and inclusive society for all.

See the Joint Statement on Women’s Reproductive Health Here

A Statistical Analysis of the Iranian Workers’ Situation in the Last Year

In observance of International Workers’ Day, this report by Human Rights Activists in Iran (HRA) provides statistics on the condition of Iranian workers over the past year, highlighting their ongoing struggle with violations of labor rights and unionization, low wages, wage arrears, and workplace safety concerns.

Workplace Accidents

According to the Statistics and Publication Center of HRA, in the past twelve months (from May 1, 2023, to April 27, 2024), at least 9,879 workers have been killed or injured in workplace accidents based on reports made by either state media or workers’ rights organizations.

According to HRA’s Statistics and Publication Center, over the past twelve months (from May 1, 2023, to April 27, 2024), at least 9,879 workers have been killed or injured in workplace accidents as reported by either state media or workers’ rights organizations.

During this period, at least 1,680 workers died in work-related accidents, with 1,514 deaths reported by ten official sources and the remaining 166 deaths reported by independent organizations. These statistics are likely underestimations due to the lack of transparency from relevant institutions and their failure to release information to the public.

Additionally, 3,066 workers were injured at work, with 2,333 cases mentioned in six official reports or statements made by officials at the national or provincial level. Civil and labor rights associations reported the remaining 733 cases.

Here is a breakdown of the types of accidents:

   . 23.87% were due to falls from height
   . 19.71% were caused by fires
   . 9.58% were related to construction accidents
   . 7.59% involved impacts from hard objects
   . 7.59% occurred in factories
   . 6.69% were linked to well accidents
   . 6.51% involved electrocutions
   . 4.70% were related to vehicle accidents
   . 4.16% occurred in mines
   . 3.80% were due to gas poisoning
   . 2.53% happened in petrochemical plants and refineries
   . 1.08% were due to drownings
   . 0.90% were related to agricultural accidents
   . 0.90% were caused by poisonings
   . 0.18% were due to heat strokes
   . 0.18% were caused by frostbites

Wage Arrears (Withheld wages) 

According to statistics from HRA’s Statistics and Publication Center, at least 84,226 workers are owed wage arrears totaling more than 1,052 combined monthly payments.

As Figure below indicates, public sector companies and organizations account for 54% of these wage arrears. The private sector is responsible for 31%, while the energy sector accounts for 4%. The type of organizations responsible for the remaining 11% of wage arrears is unknown.

Unfortunately, many official reports do not specify the number of workers waiting for wage arrears, making it difficult to provide an accurate figure.

Peaceful Assembly and Association

During the reporting period, media and civil society organizations have documented 428 workers’ protests and 1,448 trade union protests, marking increases of 100.5% and 90% respectively compared to the previous year. A significant portion of labor protests likely goes unreported.

Major labor events in the country over the past year include the workers’ protests of Haft Tappeh Sugarcane Company and Railway Services & Technical Construction Engineering, Iran National Steel Industrial Group, Aghajari Oil and Gas Exploitation Company, teachers and educators, civil servant pensioners and the pensioners from the Social Security Organization, national telecommunication company.

Over the past 12 months, numerous cities across the country witnessed a variety of labor protests with demands ranging from addressing insurance issues to resolving wage arrears, which sometimes accumulate up to 30 months. A total of 97 labor strikes and 37 union strikes were reported, representing a decrease of 14% and 90.6% respectively.

Iranian workers’ efforts to organize and persist in their demands have been remarkable. However, the suppression of unionization attempts, the arrest and imprisonment of labor activists, and the denial of workers’ rights to protest have led to some labor protests being sporadic and disorganized.

In Iran, traditional labor unions do not exist. Workers’ efforts to form independent unions are suppressed through security crackdowns and politically motivated allegations against workers’ rights activists, as seen in the cases of the Syndicate of Workers of Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company, Haft Tappeh Sugarcane Syndicate, the Coordination Council of Iranian Teachers’ Trade Associations, and the Independent Iranian Workers Union (IIWU).

Many workers have been summoned, arrested, or convicted for peaceful activities such as protesting low wages. In the past 12 months, at least 51 workers and workers’ rights activists have been arrested. The most notable cases include the arrest of 32 protesting workers in two mines at the Aq-Darreh gold mines and several contractors working at the South Pars/North Dome gas-condensate field located in Bushehr.

Currently imprisoned workers’ rights activists include Reza Shahabi, Hassan Saeedi, Nahid Khodajoo, Othman Esmaeili, Anisha Asadollahi, Keyvan Mohtadi, Nasrin Javadi, Yadi Bahari, Mehran Raoof, and union activists Rasoul Bodaghi, Mohammad Sadeghi, and Asghar Amirzadegan.

Additionally, 26 workers and workers’ rights activists have been sentenced to a total of 460 months in prison, 86 months of suspended sentences, 1,258 lashes, and fines totaling 42.5 million tomans.

In the reporting period, 10 workers committed suicide, including one self-immolation. Additionally, 48 workers faced arraignment, 5 verdicts were enforced, and 2 activists’ residences were searched. Ten workers were summoned by security or judicial institutions. In the same period, 47 factories were closed, 2,514 workers were laid off, 3,188 workers lost their jobs involuntarily, and 2,272,461 workers lacked any labor insurance scheme. Furthermore, 3,996 workers were suspended from work due to factory closures or other reasons for which the employer was responsible.

Moreover, 26 trade union activists were arrested, and 66 were sentenced to a total of 1,495 months in prison, 18 months of suspended sentences, 72 lashes, 24 months of exile, and fines totaling 185,700 tomans. Additionally, 57 trade union activists were summoned by security or judicial authorities, 130 were laid off, and 13 were forced into retirement and 11 were banned from leaving the country. Wage arrears of 335 months affected 13,600 workers. Security forces searched two activists’ residences, 9 verdicts were enforced, and 14 suicides were reported. Public Security Police or other authorities closed 2,049 businesses.

Over the past 12 months, retired and working teachers and educators from dozens of cities across the country have continued their protests, strikes, and rallies. They have staged numerous actions to demand improvements to their working conditions. The report recorded 44 protest gatherings and 4 labor strikes by teachers. As a result of these protests, 21 people were arrested, 49 were summoned, and 36 were convicted. Additionally, 10,600 people faced at least 48 months of wage arrears. Sixty-one teachers were laid off or banned from teaching, and 9 were forced into early retirement. Furthermore, 64 teachers and teachers’ union activists were sentenced to a total of 1,495 months in prison, 18 months of suspended sentences, 24 cases of social deprivations, 72 lashes, and fines totaling 125.7 million tomans.

The Economic Situation

Referring to the disparity between workers’ wages and inflation, as well as the devaluation of the national currency, Saeed Mostafa-Neajd, Executive Secretary of Worker House (Khaneh Kargar) in East Azerbaijan Province, stated that “If workers’ wages are not reconsidered, they will turn to jobs like motorcycle delivery and garbage collecting instead of remaining in manufacturing jobs. Their concerns have shifted from housing and cars to basic sustenance, worrying about having enough to eat for tomorrow.

In response to the “10% reduction in workers’ salaries due to closing on Thursdays,” Mohammad Chakoshian, Deputy Minister of Cooperatives, Labour, and Social Welfare, stated, “This plan cannot be implemented as it goes against labor law to reduce wages. If such a violation occurs, it must be addressed and prevented.”

The ILNA news agency reported that, given the current economic situation in the country, workers earning just $3 per day cannot afford a simple meal. Despite a 35% increase in minimum wages, the purchasing power of workers’ households has been greatly diminished by high inflation and the devaluation of the currency. To buy a basic car like the Pride, a worker would need to save 19 months’ worth of wages without spending any money.

Davoud Mirzaie, Executive Secretary of Worker House (Khaneh Kargar) in Saveh blamed secret collusion between members of parliament and the government for the difficult living conditions faced by the workers and pensioners. He stated that instead of fulfilling their empty promises, they imposed different policies on the representatives of workers in the Supreme Labor Council.

“The government and its economic team, along with members of parliament, have made it more difficult to retire by raising the retirement age and extending the required work record for retirement. They have also effectively abolished the law regarding difficult and hazardous occupations. The Ministry of Cooperatives, Labour, and Social Welfare has made decisions worse than in previous years, suppressing labor rights once again, which will worsen the living conditions of millions of retired workers,” Mirzaie added.

Criticizing the reduction in real wages, a board member of Worker House in Qom Province stated that this decrease will further impoverish workers. The minimum wages were set without accounting for real inflation. “The worker’s representative was not treated fairly in Supreme Labor Council meetings, and the government unilaterally made decisions regarding the minimum wage. The worker community has been trapped in a dire situation due to the wrong and unwise decisions of some officials.”

According to Nader Moradi, a workers’ rights advocate, the monthly cost of living for a worker’s household is at least 30 million tomans. With their current wages, workers can barely survive, and their monthly income may only cover expenses for one week. Workers cannot afford the costs of adequate food, medical expenses, and education. In an interview with ILNA, Moradi warned about the Supreme Labor Council’s decision: “This level of disregard for the law is unprecedented. If wages this year do not keep pace with inflation, the subsistence crisis will worsen, leaving no way out.”

Referring to the challenging situation faced by female workers in Iran, Binazir Jalahi, a former official from the Ministry of Cooperatives, Labour, and Social Welfare, confirmed that labor laws for women are largely not enforced. She also highlighted gender wage discrimination, noting that women earn less than men for the same work and do not receive child and guardian allowances.

Regarding the cost of living, the latest report from the Statistical Center of Iran indicates that the average cost of housing in Tehran is 80 million tomans per square meter. This amount, as estimated by the Entekhab website, is equivalent to a full-time worker’s entire annual income.

Tasnim News Agency reported that a directive from the Ministry of Education, which prohibits teachers from retiring during the school year and has been affirmed by the court of Administrative Justice, faced objections from some teachers. In the teachers’ appeal, they argued that the directive infringes on their rights since the retirement dates of many teachers fall within the school year. Teachers have traditionally retired at any semester, and they further objected that the directive limiting retirement after the start of the school year violates the law and the ministry’s justifications of potential disruptions in students’ education stem from its own mismanagement.

Regarding this year’s minimum wages, an official from the Social Security Retired Center of Tehran stated, “Since the workers’ representatives did not sign the resolution and the minimum wage for this year was set against legal criteria and without workers’ agreement, workers have the right to file a complaint.” The official added, “A 22% increase in pensions is insufficient and will push many pensioners from the Social Security Organization into absolute poverty. Article 96 of the Social Security law clearly states that pensions should increase in line with the cost of living. Therefore, the Supreme Labor Council’s resolution should not be followed for increasing pensions.”


Prohibition of child labor and the provision of free education for children, the establishment of the highest level of safety standards in the workplace, and the elimination of discriminatory laws for women and migrant workers are other demands of the working community.

Despite being a part of the cheapest labor force in the country, women’s labor situation is worse than men, with fewer benefits, lower wages, and a lesser degree of legal protection. Even worse, women have less bargaining power in the workplace.

Employers in manufacturing industries are less willing to recruit married women, and in some cases, single women’s recruitment is conditioned on not getting married or pregnant. Female workers’ situation in small workshops is far worse. Women comprise half of the workers occupied at bricklaying, a laborious and onerous work.

The ongoing privatization of government-owned industrial sectors has further degraded work conditions, job security, and benefits, leading to an increase in workers’ protests and strikes.

As Iranian workers celebrate International Workers’ Day there is little prospect of improvement through domestic reform or remedy. Nonetheless, the State must uphold its international human rights obligations under both the ICCPR and the ICESCR, ensuring that workers and labor rights activists are free to peacefully assemble and associate without fear of reprisal.


For further inquiries please contact Skylar Thompson, Senior Advocacy Coordinator Human Rights Activists in Iran (HRA) at [email protected]

Dana Lenj-Abadi Arrested in Marivan

On February 20, security forces in Marivan, Kurdistan province, apprehended Dana Lenj-Abadi, as reported by Kolbar News.

Subsequently, two days later, Lenj-Abadi’s detention period was extended by one month. He faces charges of “spreading propaganda against the regime,” as stated by the Public and Revolutionary Courthouse.

It is worth noting that Lenj-Abadi has a history of previous arrests, convictions, and educational deprivation due to his activities.

According to data collected by the Department of Statistics and Publication of HRA in 2023, Kurdistan Province accounted for 8.3% of reported human rights violations, including instances of arbitrary detentions.

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Workers’ Rights Advocate Saeed Yoozi Taken Into Custody by Security Forces

On December 26, Saeed Yoozi, a dedicated workers’ rights advocate, was apprehended by security forces.

According to a source with close ties to Yoozi’s family, agents from the Ministry of Intelligence conducted the arrest at his residence.

As of now, the reasons behind Yoozi’s detention and his current location are undisclosed.

Yoozi, an active member of the Committee for the Establishment of Independent Labor Organizations, has previously encountered arrests and legal challenges due to his commitment to labor advocacy.

In 2023, the Department of Statistics and Publications of the Human Rights Activists in Iran (HRA) recorded 64 cases of arrest related to workers’ rights advocacy. Furthermore, 29 labor activists or workers’ rights defenders received sentences totaling 654 months, comprising 568 months of actual imprisonment and 86 months of suspended imprisonment. For a comprehensive examination of the details and statistics surrounding labor rights, refer to HRANA’s report.

 

Executions of Two Inmates Reported in Taybad and Khorramabad Prisons

The Iran Human Rights Organization has reported the execution of two inmates in separate incidents.

Mohammad-Saleh Amini, 35 years old, was executed in Taybad Prison, situated in Razavi Khorasan Province, for his involvement in drug-related crimes, a conviction dating back two years.

Additionally, the organization documented the execution of Taher Do Abi, 43 years old, in Khorramabad Prison, Lorestan province. A resident of Sabzevar and a married father of two, Taher was found guilty of murder three years ago.

No official sources or domestic media outlets within the country have provided coverage of these executions at the time of writing. The lack of official information raises concerns about transparency and accountability in the execution process.

According to data compiled by the Center of Statistics of Human Rights Activists in Iran (HRA), between October 10, 2022, and October 8, 2023, a total of 659 individuals were executed by hanging in Iran, representing a 24% increase compared to the corresponding period in the previous year. Seven of these executions were conducted publicly. Many of the defendants were denied access to a fair trial and due process. For details and statistics, read HRANA’s report.

UNGA-78 Side Event Highlights The Ongoing Persecution of Minorities in Iran

NEW YORK, NY – An event titled “One Year of ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’: The Ongoing Persecution of Minorities in the Islamic Republic of Iran” hosted by HRA in partnership with OutRight International was held yesterday in New York, at Scandinavia House. The gathering, in the margins of the 78th United Nations General Assembly (UNGA-78), addressed the ongoing human rights situation in Iran.

The event was a reminder of the challenges faced by minorities in Iran, especially in the wake of the “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests. The demonstrations, which began a year ago following the tragic death in detention of Zhina Mahsa Amini, have drawn attention to the Iranian authorities’ excessive use of force and rampant human rights violations.

Independent journalist, Deepa Parent, expertly moderated the session. Opening remarks were courageously delivered by Iranian human rights activists, who, despite the risks, provided virtual comments directly from within Iran.

Dr. Javaid Rehman, United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Iran, offered insightful keynote remarks that outlined the challenges and potential paths forward for improving human rights in the country.

Skylar Thompson, representing Human Rights Activists (HRA) presented three key areas the international community can urgently address the cycle of impunity in Iran including through continuing to support UN-led investigations including through the renewal of the FFMI mandate, the renewal of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Iran and steadfast support for resolutions on Iran. Second, she added the need for pursuing international pathways to justice notably through the use of universal jurisdiction in light of the unwillingness to investigate violations domestically. She concluded that the continued and united condemnation against violations of human rights and international law are essential because as she stated, “silence is complicity.”

Other panelists, including Simin Fahendej from the Baha’i International Community (BIC) and Awin Mostafazade from Kurdpa, provided rich context to the discussion, shedding light on the depth and breadth of discrimination that various minority groups encounter daily.

As the event concluded, the consensus was clear: the international community must redouble its efforts to address the plight of minorities in Iran. The event, which was open to the media, will undoubtedly leave a lasting impression on all who attended.

Watch the event here:

Report: HRA at 54th session of the Human Rights Council

As the 54th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council comes to a close, HRA reflects on a month of United Nations advocacy and why sustained international attention on the situation of human rights in Iran is imperative in light of the widespread, ongoing abuse and the disreputable denial by the State.

The 54th Session of the Human Rights Council commenced with a statement by Volker Türk, who acknowledged the passing of Zhina Mahsa Amini and expressed concern over the troubling human rights violations that have unfolded in the past year. This included the introduction of the new Hijab Bill, strict legal penalties, an increased use of the death penalty, and the continued repression at the hands of the morality police.

HRA’s Director of Global Advocacy and Accountability took part in a side event titled “A Year of the Woman, Life, Freedom Movement,” hosted by IHRDC. During this event, she explored the wide-ranging implications of Iran’s new Hijab and Chastity Bill, with particular emphasis on the grave concerns surrounding the expanded authority granted to the Basij forces throughout the country.

Simultaneously, during the 54th session, the Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) marked the one-year anniversary of Mahsa Amini’s passing by expressing concerns about the Iranian government’s intensified repression and reprisals against its citizens. Additionally, the FFM raised alarm regarding new laws, especially those severely curbing the rights of women and girls. Furthermore, HRA continued its engagement with the FFM and the UN Special Rapporteur on Iran, participating in meetings to support their mandates concerning Iran. Furthermore, HRA actively engaged in meetings with member states during this period continually briefing on emerging issue areas.

139th Session of the Human Rights Committee

In an effort to shed light on significant human rights abuses, HRA, in collaboration with its partners, submitted a formal written update to the Human Rights Committee in early October in preparation for its review of Iran. This update specifically addressed the right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, media freedom and the safety of journalists, freedom of expression online, the right to privacy, the situation of human rights lawyers and defenders, and access to information. HRA also engaged in informal dialogues with committee experts regarding human rights in Iran, preparing for the interactive dialogue.

During the session, Thompson emphasized the ongoing human rights violations in Iran, particularly with regard to the right to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. Furthermore, she informed the Committee about the unjust treatment of journalists, charged with national security offenses after trials lacking any semblance of due process, all for simply exercising their fundamental right to freedom of expression. Thompson stated, “Although repression against the freedom of information was already widespread, with journalists facing arrests, interrogations, imprisonments, surveillance, harassment, and threats, it has escalated since the outbreak of the ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’ protests triggered by the death in detention of Zhina Mahsa Amini in September 2022.”

*Zohreh Elahian, designated by the European Union for her involvement in serious human rights violations, intervenes as part of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s official delegation. She appears sitting next to the Chair of the Human Rights Committee. October 9, 2023.

During the same session, the Committee conducted a comprehensive review of the human rights situation in Iran, shedding light on grave violations, including instances of torture, the excessive use of force in response to recent protests, and the status of LGBTI rights. Regrettably, the delegation from the Islamic Republic chose not to provide substantive responses and even resorted to intimidation tactics when questioned about an individual listed on the EU sanctions list. See the Spreading Justice profile of Zohreh Elahian. Elahian’s position within the delegation and travel to Switzerland as part of Iran’s delegation was questioned by Ms. Marcia Kran as part of the formal dialogue between the Committee and the delegation. Elahian’s travel was also condemned by the Chair of the Delegation for a relation with Iran within the European Parliament, Cornelia Ernst.

Following the session, the Human Rights Committee made a poignant observation, stating, “Most of the substantive questions remain unanswered.” Despite persistent inquiries regarding LGBT rights, torture, and the excessive use of force in recent protests, the Committee received no satisfactory responses.

Reflections

As the session closes HRA remains steadfast in its commitment to amplifying the voices of Iranians on the international stage. Sustained international dialogue and attention are crucial for Iran, as it ensures that the ongoing struggles of the Iranian people are not only heard but also acted upon by the global community. By maintaining a consistent focus on Iran, the international community can play a vital role in holding the Iranian government accountable for violations of human rights.

HRA remains committed to working alongside our partners in civil society, the Special Rapporteur, the Independent and International Fact-Finding Mission, and State and multinational institutions to support justice and accountability for serious human rights violations and possible crimes under international law.

Finally, HRA urges the United Nations to cease allowing known human rights abusers to travel to and participate in high-level dialogues, and to uphold its fundamental principles of promoting peace, security, and human rights. Allowing individuals with a documented history of human rights violations to enter UN premises undermines State parties’ efforts and sends a conflicting message concerning the validity of the sanctions.


For media inquiries please contact, Skylar Thompson at [email protected]

Execution of Two Inmates in Zanjan and Ardabil

In separate incidents, two inmates convicted of murder were executed in Zanjan and Ardabil Prisons on October 14 and 15, respectively.

According to the Iran Human Rights Organization, on Sunday, October 14, a 39-year-old cab driver named Ali Asghar Cheraghi Far was executed. He had been convicted of the murder of one of his passengers following a dispute that occurred three years ago. As of the time of this report, there have been no official statements or coverage of this execution by domestic media outlets within the country.

On October 15, another inmate, who was convicted of murder, was executed in Ardabil prison, as reported by Tasnim, a news agency affiliated with security institutions.

As per a deputy prosecutor in Ardabil province, on October 28, 2021, this particular inmate, whose identity was not disclosed, fatally stabbed his father-in-law during a family dispute.

According to data compiled by the Center of Statistics of Human Rights Activists in Iran (HRA), between October 10, 2022, and October 8, 2023, a total of 659 individuals were executed by hanging in Iran, representing a 24% increase compared to the corresponding period in the previous year. Seven of these executions were conducted publicly. Concerningly, many of the defendants were denied access to a fair trial and due process. For details and statistics, read HRANA’s report.